WikiDer > Benito Mussolini
Benito Mussolini | |
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| Italiyaning bosh vaziri | |
| Ofisda 1922 yil 31 oktyabr - 1943 yil 25 iyul | |
| Monarx | Viktor Emmanuel III |
| Oldingi | Luidji Fakta |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Pietro Badoglio |
| Italiya ijtimoiy respublikasi dushi | |
| Ofisda 1943 yil 23 sentyabr - 1945 yil 25 aprel | |
| Fashizm | |
| Ofisda 1919 yil 23 mart - 1945 yil 28 aprel | |
| Tashqi ishlar vaziri | |
| Ofisda 1943 yil 5-fevral - 1943 yil 25-iyul | |
| Oldingi | Galeazzo Ciano |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Raffaele Guariglia |
| Ofisda 1932 yil 20-iyul - 1936 yil 9-iyun | |
| Oldingi | Dino Grandi |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Galeazzo Ciano |
| Ofisda 1922 yil 30 oktyabr - 1929 yil 12 sentyabr | |
| Oldingi | Karlo Shanzer |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Dino Grandi |
| Mustamlakalar vaziri | |
| Ofisda 1937 yil 20 noyabr - 1939 yil 31 oktyabr | |
| Oldingi | Alessandro Lessona |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Attilio Teruzzi |
| Ofisda 1935 yil 17-yanvar - 1936 yil 11-iyun | |
| Oldingi | Emilio De Bono |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Alessandro Lessona |
| Ofisda 1928 yil 18-dekabr - 1929 yil 12-sentyabr | |
| Oldingi | Luidji Federzoni |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Emilio De Bono |
| Harbiy vazir | |
| Ofisda 1933 yil 22-iyul - 1943 yil 25-iyul | |
| Oldingi | Pietro Gazzera |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Antonio Sorice |
| Ofisda 1925 yil 4 aprel - 1929 yil 12 sentyabr | |
| Oldingi | Antonino Di Jorjo |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Pietro Gazzera |
| Ichki ishlar vaziri | |
| Ofisda 1926 yil 6-noyabr - 1943 yil 25-iyul | |
| Oldingi | Luidji Federzoni |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Bruno Fornaciari |
| Ofisda 1922 yil 31 oktyabr - 1924 yil 17 iyun | |
| Oldingi | Paolino Taddei |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Luidji Federzoni |
| A'zosi Deputatlar palatasi | |
| Ofisda 1921 yil 11 iyun - 1943 yil 2 avgust | |
| Shaxsiy ma'lumotlar | |
| Tug'ilgan | Benito Amilcare Andrea Mussolini 1883 yil 29-iyul Predappio, Italiya qirolligi |
| O'ldi | 1945 yil 28-aprel (61 yosh) Giulino di Mezzegra, Italiya Qirolligi |
| O'lim sababi | Otishma otib tashlash |
| Dam olish joyi | San-Kassiano qabristoni, Predappio, Italiya |
| Millati | Italyancha |
| Siyosiy partiya | Milliy fashistlar partiyasi (1921–1943) |
| Boshqa siyosiy bog'liqliklar |
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| Balandligi | 5' 61⁄2"(1.69 m) |
| Turmush o'rtoqlar | |
| Munosabatlar | |
| Bolalar | |
| Ota-onalar | |
| Qarindoshlar | Mussolini oilasi |
| Kasb | Siyosatchi, jurnalist, roman yozuvchisi, o'qituvchi |
| Imzo |  |
| Harbiy xizmat | |
| Sadoqat |  Italiya qirolligi |
| Filial / xizmat |  Italiya qirollik armiyasi |
| Xizmat qilgan yillari | 1915–1917 (faol) |
| Rank | |
| Birlik | 11-chi Bersaglieri Polk |
| Janglar / urushlar | |
Benito Amilcare Andrea Mussolini (Italyancha:[beˈniːto mussoˈliːni];[1] 1883 yil 29 iyul - 1945 yil 28 aprel) italiyalik siyosatchi va jurnalist bo'lib, unga asos solgan va unga rahbarlik qilgan Milliy fashistlar partiyasi. U edi Italiyaning bosh vaziri dan Fashistik davlat to'ntarishi 1922 yilda uning cho'kishi 1943 yilda va Duce ("Lider") ning Italiya fashizmi tashkil etilishidan Italiyaning jangovar fasalari 1919 yilda uning 1945 yilda qatl etilishi davomida Italiya fuqarolar urushi. Sifatida diktator Italiya va fashistik harakatning asoschisi Mussolini boshqalarga ilhom berdi totalitar kabi hukmdorlar Adolf Gitler, Frantsisko Frankova António de Oliveira Salazar.[2][3][4][5]
Mussolini dastlab sotsialistik siyosatchi va jurnalist edi Avanti! gazeta. 1912 yilda u Milliy Direktsiya a'zosi bo'ldi Italiya sotsialistik partiyasi (PSI),[6] ammo harbiy aralashuvni targ'ib qilgani uchun PSIdan chiqarildi Birinchi jahon urushi, partiyaning betaraflik pozitsiyasiga qarshi. 1914 yilda Mussolini yangi jurnalga asos solgan, Il Popolo d'Italiava xizmat qilgan Italiya qirollik armiyasi urush paytida u 1917 yilda jarohatlanib, bo'shatilgunga qadar. Mussolini PSIni qoraladi, uning fikri endi markazida Italiya millatchiligi sotsializm o'rniga va keyinchalik qarshi chiqqan fashistik harakatga asos solgan tenglik[7] va sinf ziddiyatio'rniga, advokatlik qilish "inqilobiy millatchilik" sinflar satridan oshib ketish.[8] Keyingi Rimda mart 1922 yil oktyabrda Mussolini shu paytgacha Italiyaning eng yosh bosh vaziri bo'ldi. O'zining maxfiy politsiyasi orqali barcha siyosiy qarshiliklarni olib tashlaganidan va ish tashlashlarni bekor qilganidan so'ng,[9] Mussolini va uning izdoshlari millatni a ga aylantirgan bir qator qonunlar orqali hokimiyatni birlashtirdilar bir partiyali diktatura. Besh yil ichida Mussolini ham qonuniy, ham noqonuniy yo'llar bilan diktatorlik hokimiyatini o'rnatdi va uni yaratishga intildi totalitar davlat. 1929 yilda Mussolini imzoladi Lateran shartnomasi Vatikan bilan Italiya davlati va Papa o'rtasidagi o'n yillik kurashni tugatdi va mustaqilligini tan oldi Vatikan shahri.
Mussolinining tashqi siyosati Italiya fashizmining ta'sir doirasini kengaytirishga qaratilgan edi. 1923 yilda u "Liviyani tinchlantirish"va Korfuni bombalashga buyruq berdi italiyalik generalning o'ldirilishi uchun qasos sifatida. 1936 yilda Mussolini tashkil topdi Italiya Sharqiy Afrika (AOI) birlashtirib Eritreya, Somali va Efiopiya quyidagilarga rioya qilish Habashiston inqirozi va Ikkinchi Italo-Efiopiya urushi. 1939 yilda Italiya kuchlari bosib oldi Albaniya. 1936-1939 yillarda Mussolini muvaffaqiyatga erishishni buyurdi Italiyaning Ispaniyadagi harbiy aralashuvi foydasiga Frantsisko Franko davomida Ispaniyadagi fuqarolar urushi. Mussolinining Italiyasi dastlab ikkinchi global urush boshlanishiga yo'l qo'ymaslikka harakat qilib, o'z qo'shinlarini yubordi Brenner dovoni kechiktirish Anschluss va ishtirok etish Stresa old tomoni, Lytton hisoboti, Lozanna shartnomasi, To'rt quvvat shartnomasi va Myunxen shartnomasi. Biroq, keyinchalik Italiya o'zini Buyuk Britaniya va Frantsiyadan uzoqlashtirdi tekislash Germaniya va Yaponiya bilan. Germaniya Polshani bosib oldi 1939 yil 1 sentyabrda Frantsiya va Buyuk Britaniya tomonidan urush e'lon qilindi va boshlandi Ikkinchi jahon urushi.
1940 yil 10 iyunda - bilan Frantsiyaning qulashi yaqinda - Italiya rasmiy ravishda urushga kirdi va oxir-oqibat bosib oldi Frantsiyaning janubi-sharqidagi qismlari, Korsikava Tunis. Mussolini italiyalik kuchlarni hujumga qarshi yirik hujumga jamlashni rejalashtirgan Britaniya imperiyasi Afrikada va Yaqin Sharqda, "parallel urush" deb nomlanuvchi, Buyuk Britaniyaning qulashini kutar ekan Evropa teatri. Italiyaliklar Misrni bosib oldi, Majburiy Falastinni bombardimon qildiva Britaniyaning Somalilandini bosib oldi dastlabki muvaffaqiyat bilan. Biroq, Britaniya hukumati qabul qilishni o'z ichiga oladigan tinchlik bo'yicha takliflarni qabul qilishdan bosh tortdi Eksa Evropadagi g'alabalar; Buyuk Britaniyani bosib olish rejalari davom etmadi va urush davom etdi. 1940 yil oktyabrda Mussolini Italiya kuchlarini Gretsiyaga yubordi Yunon-Italiya urushi. The Qirollik havo kuchlari Italiya bosqinining oldini oldi va yunonlarga italiyaliklarni Albaniyaga qaytarishga imkon berdi. Shunga qaramay, Italiya Albaniyasidagi yunonlarning qarshi hujumi, tanglik bilan tugadi, bu nemislarga yunon mudofaasini chetlab o'tib, mamlakatni bosib olishga imkon berdi. Keyinchalik Italiya ishtirok etdi Yunonistonning eksa ishg'oli va Yugoslaviya.[10]
The Germaniyaning Sovet Ittifoqiga bosqini Mussolinini olib bordi Italiyaga armiyani Rossiyaga yuboringva yaponlar Pearl Harbor-ga hujum Italiyani majbur qildi Qo'shma Shtatlarga qarshi urush e'lon qiling.[11] Mussolini 1930-yillardagi kampaniyalar tufayli resurslari kamaygan Italiya uchta katta kuchga qarshi uzoq muddatli urushga tayyor emasligini bilgan bo'lsa-da, u ishg'ol qilingan hududlarni va fashistik imperatorlik ambitsiyalaridan voz kechmaslik uchun ziddiyatda qolishni ma'qul ko'rdi.[12] 1943 yilda Italiya katta falokatlarga duch keldi: fevralga qadar Qizil Armiya ni butunlay yo'q qilgan edi Rossiyadagi Italiya armiyasi va may oyida Shimoliy Afrikada eksa qulab tushdi oldingi Italiya qarshiliklariga qaramay El Alameinning ikkinchi jangi. 9 iyul kuni Ittifoqchilar Sitsiliyaga bostirib kirishdi va 16-ga kelib bu aniq bo'ldi Germaniyaning yozgi hujumi SSSRda muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi. Natijada, 25-iyul kuni erta Fashizmning Buyuk Kengashi Mussoliniga ishonchsizlik iltimosini qabul qildi; o'sha kuni kechroq Qirol sifatida uni ishdan bo'shatdi hukumat rahbari tayinlab, uni hibsga olishdi Pietro Badoglio uning o'rniga Bosh vazir lavozimini egallash.
Qirol ittifoqchilar bilan sulh bitimini tuzgandan so'ng, 1943 yil 12 sentyabrda Mussolini asirlikdan qutqarildi Gran Sasso reydi tomonidan Nemis desantchilar va Vaffen-SS komandalar mayor boshchiligida Otto-Xarald Mors. Gitler qutqarilgan sobiq diktator bilan uchrashgandan so'ng, Mussolinini Italiyaning shimolidagi qo'g'irchoq rejimiga mas'ul qildi, Italiya ijtimoiy respublikasi (Italyancha: Repubblica Sociale Italiana, RSI),[13] norasmiy sifatida Salò respublikasi. 1945 yil aprel oyi oxirida, deyarli to'liq mag'lubiyatdan so'ng, Mussolini va uning bekasi Klara Petachchi Shveytsariyaga qochishga uringan,[14] ammo ikkalasi ham italiyalik kommunist tomonidan ushlangan partizanlar va qisqacha bajarilgan tomonidan otishma otryadi 1945 yil 28 aprelda Komo ko'li. Keyin Mussolini va uning ma'shuqasining jasadlari olib ketilgan Milan, qaerda ular a-da teskari osilgan edi xizmat ko'rsatish stantsiyasi ularning o'lishini ommaviy ravishda tasdiqlash.[15]
Hayotning boshlang'ich davri
Mussolini 1883 yil 29-iyulda tug'ilgan Dovia di Predappio, kichik bir shaharcha Forli viloyati yilda Romagna. Keyinchalik, fashistlar davrida Predappio "Ducening shahri" deb nomlangan va Forlini "Dyusning shahri" deb atashgan, ziyoratchilar Mussolinining tug'ilgan joyini ko'rish uchun Predappio va Forliga borganlar.
Benito Mussolinining otasi, Alessandro Mussolini, edi a temirchi va sotsialistik,[16] onasi esa Roza (ism-sharif Maltoni), dindor katolik maktab o'qituvchisi edi.[17] Otasining siyosiy moyilligini inobatga olgan holda, Mussolini Meksikaning liberal prezidenti nomiga Benito deb nomlangan Benito Xuares, uning ismlari, Andrea va Amilcare, italiyalik sotsialistlar uchun edi Andrea Kosta va Amilcare Cipriani.[18] Benito ota-onasining uch farzandining to'ng'ichi edi. Uning aka-ukalari Arnaldo Edvige ham ergashdi.[19]
Mussolini yosh bolaligida otasiga temirchilikda yordam berish uchun bir oz vaqt sarf qilar edi.[20] Mussolinining dastlabki siyosiy qarashlariga 19-asrni butparast qilgan otasi kuchli ta'sir ko'rsatgan Italiyalik millatchi bilan raqamlar gumanist kabi tendentsiyalar Karlo Pisakane, Juzeppe Mazziniva Juzeppe Garibaldi.[21] Uning otasining siyosiy dunyoqarashi qarashlarni birlashtirgan anarxist kabi raqamlar Carlo Cafiero va Mixail Bakunin, harbiy avtoritarizm Garibaldi va Mazzinining millatchiligi. 1902 yilda, Garibaldi vafot etgan yilida, Mussolini xalqni maqtab, jamoat oldida nutq so'zladi respublika millatchi.[22]
Uning ota-onasi o'rtasidagi din haqidagi mojaro, aksariyat italiyaliklardan farqli o'laroq, Mussolini tug'ilish chog'ida suvga cho'mmagan va hayotning oxirigacha bo'lmaydi. Ota-onasi o'rtasida kelishuv sifatida Mussolini a internat maktab tomonidan boshqariladi Sotuvchi rohiblar. Yangi maktabga o'qishga kirgandan so'ng, Mussolini yaxshi natijalarga erishdi va 1901 yilda boshlang'ich maktab ustasi sifatida malakasini oldi.[17]
Shveytsariyaga ko'chish va harbiy xizmat
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1902 yilda Mussolini ko'chib ketgan qisman majburiy harbiy xizmatdan qochish uchun Shveytsariyaga.[16] U qisqacha sifatida ishlagan tosh ustasi Jenevada, Fribourg va Bern, ammo doimiy ish topa olmadi.
Shu vaqt ichida u faylasufning g'oyalarini o'rgangan Fridrix Nitsshe, sotsiolog Vilfredo Pareto, va sindikalist Jorj Sorel. Keyinchalik Mussolini ham buni qayd etdi Xristian sotsialistik Charlz Péguy va sindikalist Hubert Lagardelle uning ba'zi ta'sirlari kabi.[23] Sorelning dekadentni ag'darish zarurligiga urg'u berishi liberal demokratiya va zo'ravonlik yordamida kapitalizm, to'g'ridan-to'g'ri harakat, umumiy ish tashlash va foydalanish neo-makiavelli hissiyotlarga chorlaydi, Mussolinidan chuqur taassurot qoldirdi.[16]
Mussolini Shveytsariyadagi Italiya sotsialistik harakatida faol bo'lib, qog'ozda ishlay boshladi L'Avvenire del Lavoratore, uchrashuvlarni tashkil qilish, ishchilarga nutq so'zlash va Italiya ishchilar kasaba uyushmasi kotibi sifatida xizmat qilish Lozanna.[24] Anjelika Balabanov xabar berganidek, uni tanishtirgan Vladimir Lenin, keyinchalik italiyalik sotsialistlarni Mussolinini o'zlarining sabablaridan mahrum qilganliklari uchun tanqid qildi.[25] 1903 yilda u zo'ravon umumiy ish tashlashni targ'ib qilgani uchun Bern politsiyasi tomonidan hibsga olingan, ikki hafta qamoqda o'tirgan va Italiyaga surgun qilingan. U erda ozod qilinganidan keyin u Shveytsariyaga qaytdi.[26] 1904 yilda Jenevada yana hibsga olingan va hujjatlarini soxtalashtirgani uchun chiqarib yuborilgan Mussolini Lozannaga qaytib keldi va u erda Lozanna universitetikafedrasi Ijtimoiy fanlar, darslaridan so'ng Vilfredo Pareto.[27] 1937 yilda, Italiyaning bosh vaziri bo'lganida, Lozanna universiteti Mussolini an faxriy doktorlik 400 yilligi munosabati bilan.[28]
1904 yil dekabrda Mussolini harbiy xizmatni tark etganligi uchun amnistiya huquqidan foydalanish uchun Italiyaga qaytib keldi. U bu uchun sudlangan edi sirtdan.[29] Afv etish sharti armiyada xizmat qilganligi sababli, u korpusga qo'shildi Bersaglieri 1904 yil 30 dekabrda Forlida.[30] Ikki yil harbiy xizmatni o'tab (1905 yil yanvaridan 1906 yil sentyabrgacha) yana o'qituvchilikka qaytdi.[31]
Siyosiy jurnalist, intellektual va sotsialistik
1909 yil fevralda,[32] Mussolini yana Italiyani tark etdi, bu safar italyan tilida so'zlashadigan shaharda mehnat partiyasining kotibi lavozimiga ishga kirishdi Trento, o'sha paytda uning bir qismi bo'lgan Avstriya-Vengriya (hozir Italiya ichida). Shuningdek, u mahalliy Sotsialistik partiyada ish olib borgan va uning gazetasini tahrir qilgan L'Avvenire del Lavoratore (Ishchining kelajagi). Italiyaga qaytib, u Milanda qisqa vaqt o'tkazdi va 1910 yilda tug'ilgan shahri Forliga qaytib keldi va u erda haftalikni tahrir qildi. Lotta di classe (Sinf kurashi).
Mussolini o'zini ziyoliman deb o'ylardi va u yaxshi o'qilgan deb hisoblanardi. U g'ayrat bilan o'qidi; uning Evropa falsafasida favoritlari orasida italiyalik futurist Sorel ham bor edi Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, Frantsiya sotsialisti Gustav Erve, Italiyalik anarxist Erriko Malatestava nemis faylasuflari Fridrix Engels va Karl Marks, asoschilari Marksizm.[33][34] Mussolini o'zini frantsuz va nemis tillariga o'rgatgan va Nitsshedan parchalarni tarjima qilgan, Shopenhauer va Kant.
Shu vaqt ichida u "Il Trentino veduto da un Socialista" (") nashr etdiTrentino radikal davriy nashrda Sotsialist tomonidan ko'rilgan ") La Voce.[35] Shuningdek, u nemis adabiyoti to'g'risida bir nechta insholar, ba'zi hikoyalar va bitta roman yozgan: L'amante del Cardinale: Claudia Particella, romanzo storico (Kardinalning bekasi). Bu roman u Santi Korvaja bilan hamkorlikda yozgan va u Trento gazetasida turkum kitob sifatida nashr etilgan Il Popolo. U 1910 yil 20 yanvardan 11 maygacha qismlarga bo'lib chiqarildi.[36] Roman achchiq antiklerik edi va bir necha yil o'tgach, Mussolini Vatikan bilan sulh tuzgandan so'ng muomaladan chiqarildi.[16]
U Italiyaning eng taniqli sotsialistlaridan biriga aylandi. 1911 yil sentyabrda Mussolini italiyaliklarga qarshi sotsialistlar boshchiligidagi g'alayonda qatnashdi Liviyadagi urush. U Italiyaning "imperialistik urushi" ni achchiq qoraladi, bu unga besh oylik qamoq jazosini olib keldi.[37] Ozod qilinganidan keyin u mamlakatdan haydashga yordam berdi Ivanoe Bonomi va Leonida Bissolati Sotsialistik partiyadan, ikkalasi kabi "revizionistlar"kim urushni qo'llab-quvvatladi.
U Sotsialistik partiya gazetasi tahririyatiga mukofotlandi Avanti! Uning rahbarligida tez orada uning muomalasi 20000 dan 100000 gacha ko'tarildi.[38] Jon Gyunter 1940 yilda uni "tirik jurnalistlardan biri" deb atagan; Mussolini Rimda martga tayyorgarlik ko'rayotganda ishchi muxbir bo'lgan va u uchun yozgan Xearst yangiliklar xizmati 1935 yilgacha.[25] Mussolini marksistik adabiyot bilan shu qadar tanish ediki, u o'z asarlarida nafaqat taniqli marksistik asarlardan, balki nisbatan tushunarsiz asarlardan ham iqtibos keltirar edi.[39] Bu davrda Mussolini o'zini marksist deb bildi va u Marksni "sotsializmning barcha nazariyotchilaridan buyuksi" deb ta'rifladi.[40]
1913 yilda u nashr etdi Jovanni Xus, il veridiko (Jan Xus, haqiqiy payg'ambar), chex cherkovi islohotchisining hayoti va vazifasi haqida tarixiy va siyosiy biografiya Jan Xus va uning jangari izdoshlari Gussitlar. Hayotining ushbu sotsialistik davrida Mussolini ba'zan qalam nomini ishlatgan "Vero Eretico" ("samimiy bid'atchi").[41]
Mussolini rad etdi tenglik, sotsializmning asosiy ta'limoti.[7] Unga Nitsşening nasroniylarga qarshi g'oyalari va Xudoning mavjudligini inkor etish.[42] Mussolini, marksistik muvaffaqiyatsizliklarni hisobga olgan holda, sotsializm sustlashib ketganini sezdi determinizm va sotsial-demokratik islohotchilikva Nitsshe g'oyalari sotsializmni kuchaytiradi deb ishongan. Mussolini sotsializm bilan bog'lanib, oxir-oqibat u Marksizm va tenglikdan voz kechib, Nitsshe foydasiga übermensch kontseptsiya va tengsizlikka qarshi kurash.[42]
Italiya sotsialistik partiyasidan chiqarish
Dastlab bir qator sotsialistik partiyalar qo'llab-quvvatladilar Birinchi jahon urushi 1914 yil avgustda boshlangan paytda.[43] Urush boshlangandan so'ng avstriyaliklar, inglizlar, frantsuzlar va nemis sotsialistlari o'zlarining mamlakatining urushga aralashuvini qo'llab-quvvatlab, ko'tarilayotgan millatchi oqimga ergashdilar.[44] Urush boshlanishi natijasida keskin ko'tarilish yuzaga keldi Italiya millatchiligi va urush turli siyosiy fraksiyalar tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlandi. Urushning eng taniqli va mashhur italiyalik millatchi tarafdorlaridan biri edi Gabriele d'Annunzio kim ko'tarildi Italiyalik irredentizm va Italiya jamoatchiligini urushga aralashishni qo'llab-quvvatlashga yordam berdi.[45] The Italiya Liberal partiyasi rahbarligida Paolo Boselli ittifoqchilar tomonida urushga aralashishni kuchaytirdi va ulardan foydalandi Società Dante Alighieri italyan millatchiligini targ'ib qilish.[46][47] Italiya sotsialistlari urushni qo'llab-quvvatlash yoki unga qarshi turish to'g'risida ikkiga bo'lingan.[48] Mussolini urushga oid pozitsiyani egallashidan oldin bir qator inqilobiy sindikistlar aralashuvni qo'llab-quvvatlashini e'lon qilgan edi, shu jumladan Alkeste De Ambris, Filippo Korridoniva Angelo Oliviero Olivetti.[49] The Italiya sotsialistik partiyasi anti-militarist namoyishchilar o'ldirilganidan keyin urushga qarshi chiqishga qaror qildi, natijada umumiy ish tashlash e'lon qilindi Qizil hafta.[50]
Dastlab Mussolini partiyaning qarorini rasmiy qo'llab-quvvatladi va 1914 yil avgustda Mussolini "Urushdan bosh tortdi. Biz betaraf bo'lib qolamiz" deb yozdi. U urushni o'z ambitsiyalari uchun ham, sotsialistlar va italiyaliklar uchun ham imkoniyat sifatida ko'rdi. Unga ta'sir ko'rsatdi avstriyaliklarga qarshi Italiya millatchilik tuyg'usi, urush Avstriyada-Vengriyada italiyaliklarga o'zlarini hukmronligidan ozod qilish imkoniyatini taqdim etganiga ishongan. Xabsburglar. Oxir-oqibat u sotsialistlarni ag'darish kerakligiga murojaat qilib, urushni qo'llab-quvvatlashini e'lon qilishga qaror qildi Hohenzollern Germaniya va Avstriya-Vengriyadagi Xabsburg monarxiyalari u sotsializmni doimiy ravishda bostirgan.[51]
Mussolini o'z pozitsiyasini yanada qoralash bilan oqladi Markaziy kuchlar bo'lish uchun reaktsion vakolatlar; ta'qib qilish uchun imperialistik Belgiya va Serbiyaga qarshi, shuningdek tarixiy ravishda Daniya, Frantsiya va italiyaliklarga qarshi dizaynlar, chunki yuz minglab italiyaliklar Xabsburg hukmronligi ostida edilar. U Hohenzollern va Xabsburg monarxiyalarining qulashi va "reaktsioner" Turkiyaning tazyiq qilinishi ishchilar sinfiga foydali sharoitlar yaratishini ta'kidladi. Antanta kuchlarini qo'llab-quvvatlagan bo'lsa-da, Mussolini konservativ xususiyatga javob berdi Chor Rossiyasi urush uchun zarur bo'lgan safarbarlik Rossiyaning reaksion avtoritarizmiga putur etkazishini va urush Rossiyani ijtimoiy inqilobga olib kelishini bildirgan. Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, Italiya uchun urush jarayonini yakunlaydi Risorgimento Avstriya-Vengriyadagi italiyaliklarni Italiyaga birlashtirish va Italiyaning oddiy xalqiga Italiyaning birinchi milliy urushi bo'ladigan italiyalik millatning ishtirokchilari bo'lishiga imkon berish orqali. Shunday qilib, u urushni taklif qilishi mumkin bo'lgan ulkan ijtimoiy o'zgarishlar uni inqilobiy urush sifatida qo'llab-quvvatlash kerakligini anglatadi.[49]
Mussolinining aralashuvni qo'llab-quvvatlashi mustahkamlanib, u urushga qarshi bo'lgan sotsialistlar bilan to'qnashdi. U urushning raqiblariga hujum qildi va qo'llab-quvvatlagan proletarlarni da'vo qildi pasifizm ko'tarilayotgan interventsionerga qo'shilgan proletarlarga qadam bosishmadi avangard bu Italiyani inqilobiy urushga tayyorlayotgan edi. U Italiya Sotsialistik partiyasini va sotsializmning o'zini urush boshlanishiga olib kelgan milliy muammolarni tan olmaganligi uchun tanqid qila boshladi.[8] U aralashuvni qo'llab-quvvatlagani uchun partiyadan chiqarildi.
Quyidagi parchalar Milandagi jamoat xavfsizligi bosh inspektori G. Gasti tomonidan tayyorlangan va Italiya Sotsialistik partiyasidan siqib chiqarilishiga olib kelgan Birinchi Jahon urushidagi mavqei va pozitsiyasini tavsiflovchi politsiya hisobotidan olingan. Bosh inspektor yozgan:
Professor Benito Mussolini, ... 38 yoshda, inqilobiy sotsialist, politsiya ma'lumotlariga ega; boshlang'ich maktab o'qituvchisi o'rta maktablarda dars berish uchun malakali; Sezena, Forli va Ravennadagi palatalarning sobiq birinchi kotibi; 1912 yildan keyin gazeta muharriri Avanti! bunga u shiddatli taklif va murosasiz yo'nalish berdi. 1914 yil oktyabrda o'zini Italiya Sotsialistik partiyasi direktsiyasiga qarama-qarshi deb topganligi sababli, u Millatlar urushida Italiya tomonidan partiyaning mutlaq betaraflik tendentsiyasiga qarshi turlicha faol betaraflikni qo'llab-quvvatlaganligi sababli, u yigirmanchi yilida o'zini tark etdi. direktsiyasidan oy Avanti! Keyin o'n beshinchi noyabrda [1914], keyin u gazetani nashr etishni boshladi Il Popolo d'Italia, unda u qo'llab-quvvatladi - bu keskin farqli o'laroq Avanti! va ushbu gazeta va uning bosh tarafdorlariga qarshi achchiq polemikalar - Markaziy imperiyalarning militarizmiga qarshi urushga Italiyaning aralashuvi tezisi. Shu sababli uni axloqiy va siyosiy layoqatsizlikda ayblashdi va shu sababli partiya uni haydab chiqarishga qaror qildi ... Shundan so'ng u ... Italiya aralashuvi uchun juda faol kampaniya olib bordi, pazitsalarda namoyishlarda qatnashdi va unda juda shafqatsiz maqolalar yozdi. Popolo d'Italiya ...[38]
O'zining xulosasida inspektor quyidagilarni ta'kidladi:
U ideal muharriri edi Avanti! sotsialistlar uchun. Ushbu ish yo'nalishida u juda qadrli va sevimli edi. Uning ba'zi sobiq o'rtoqlari va muxlislari hanuzgacha proletariat ruhini qanday talqin qilishni yaxshiroq tushunadigan va uning murtadligini qayg'u bilan kuzatmagan odam bo'lmaganligini tan olishadi. Bu shaxsiy manfaat yoki pul uchun emas. U samimiy va ehtirosli advokat edi, avval hushyor va qurolli betaraflikni, keyin esa urushni; va u o'zining shaxsiy va siyosiy halolligi bilan har qanday vositani - qayerdan kelib chiqqanligini va qaerdan olishidan qat'i nazar foydalangan holda - o'z gazetasi, dasturi va ish yo'nalishi uchun pul to'lash orqali murosaga kelayotganiga ishonmadi. Bu uning dastlabki chizig'i edi. O'zi olib borgan kurashni davom ettirish uchun zarur bo'lgan ajralmas moliyaviy bitimlar jarayonida uning sotsialistik e'tiqodlari (u hech qachon ochiq yoki xususiy ravishda buzilmagan) qay darajada qurbon qilinganligini aytish qiyin ... Ammo, bu o'zgartirishlar sodir bo'lgan deb taxmin qilsak ... u har doim ham sotsialist ko'rinishini berishni xohlar edi va o'zini shunday deb o'ylab aldangan.[52]
Birinchi jahon urushida fashizm va xizmatning boshlanishi
Italiya sotsialistik partiyasi Italiya aralashuvini qo'llab-quvvatlaganligi uchun quvib chiqarilgandan so'ng, Mussolini radikal o'zgarishlarni amalga oshirdi va uni qo'llab-quvvatladi sinf ziddiyati va qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun qo'shilish inqilobiy millatchilik sinflar qatoridan oshib ketish.[8] U aralashuvchi gazetani tuzdi Il Popolo d'Italia va Fascio Rivoluzionario d'Azione Internazionalista ("Inqilobiy Fasces Xalqaro harakatlar uchun ") 1914 yil oktyabrda.[47] Aralashuvni uning millatchilik ko'magi unga mablag 'yig'ish imkoniyatini berdi Ansaldo (qurol-yarog 'firmasi) va boshqa kompaniyalarni yaratish Il Popolo d'Italia sotsialistlar va inqilobchilarni urushni qo'llab-quvvatlashga ishontirish.[53] Urush paytida Mussolinining fashistlariga qo'shimcha mablag '1915 yil may oyidan boshlab frantsuz manbalaridan kelib tushdi. Frantsiyadagi ushbu mablag'ning asosiy manbai frantsuz sotsialistlari tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlangan frantsuz sotsialistlari tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlandi, ular Frantsiya tarafidan Italiya aralashuvini istashdi.[54]
1914 yil 5-dekabrda Mussolini qoraladi pravoslav sotsializm urush milliy o'ziga xoslik va sadoqatni sinfiy farqdan ko'ra muhimroq qilganligini tan olmaganligi uchun.[8] U o'zining o'zgarishini xalqni mavjudot sifatida tan olgan nutqida to'liq namoyish etdi, bu urushdan oldin rad etgan tushunchasi:
Millat yo'q bo'lib ketmadi. Biz ilgari kontseptsiya umuman mazmunsiz deb ishongan edik. Buning o'rniga biz millat paydo bo'lishini ko'nglimiz tusagan haqiqat deb bilamiz! ... Sinf millatni yo'q qila olmaydi. Sinf o'zini manfaatlar to'plami sifatida namoyon qiladi, ammo millat tuyg'ular, urf-odatlar, til, madaniyat va irqning tarixidir. Sinf millatning ajralmas qismiga aylanishi mumkin, ammo biri boshqasini tutolmaydi.[55]
Sinfiy kurash bu behuda formuladir, qaerda kimdir o'zini milliy lingvistik va irqiy chegaralariga qo'shib olmagan xalqni topsa, u erda milliy muammo aniq hal etilmagan. Bunday sharoitda sinf harakati beqiyos tarixiy iqlim tufayli zaiflashmoqda.[56]
Mussolini jamiyatni boshqarish uchun inqilobiy avangard elitasining zarurligini ilgari surishda davom etdi. U endi proletar avangardini emas, aksincha har qanday ijtimoiy tabaqaning dinamik va inqilobiy odamlari boshchiligidagi avangardni himoya qildi.[56]U pravoslav sotsializmni va sinfiy mojaroni qoralagan bo'lsa-da, o'sha paytda u millatchi sotsialist va Italiya tarixidagi millatchi sotsialistlar merosining tarafdori, masalan, Juzeppe Garibaldi, Juzeppe Mazziniva Karlo Pisakane. Italiya Sotsialistik partiyasi va uning pravoslav sotsializmni qo'llab-quvvatlashiga kelsak, u partiyaning a'zosi sifatida uni jonlantirish va zamonaviy haqiqatni tan olish uchun o'zgartirishda muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchraganligi pravoslav sotsializmni eskirgan va muvaffaqiyatsiz deb topdi.[57] Birinchi jahon urushi boshlanishi munosabati bilan pravoslav sotsializmning muvaffaqiyatsizligi haqidagi bu tasavvurni faqat Mussolini egallamagan; kabi boshqa pro-interventsioner italiyalik sotsialistlar Filippo Korridoni va Serxio Panunzio klassikani ham qoralagan edi Marksizm aralashuv foydasiga.[58]
Ushbu asosiy siyosiy qarashlar va tamoyillar Mussolinining yangi tashkil topgan siyosiy harakatining asosini tashkil etdi Fasci d'Azione Rivoluzionaria o'zlarini chaqirgan 1914 yilda Fashisti (Fashistlar).[59] Bu vaqtda fashistlar yaxlit siyosat majmuasiga ega emas edilar va bu harakat kichik bo'lib, ommaviy yig'ilish o'tkazishga urinishlarida samarasiz bo'lib, hukumat idoralari va pravoslav sotsialistlar tomonidan muntazam ravishda ta'qib qilinardi.[60] Interventsionerlar, shu jumladan fashistlar bilan antiventivist pravoslav sotsialistlar o'rtasidagi ziddiyat fashistlar va sotsialistlar o'rtasida zo'ravonlikka olib keldi. Interfaolistik inqilobiy sotsialistlarning fashistlar va boshqa interventsionerlarga qarshi qarama-qarshiliklari va hujumlari shu qadar zo'ravon ediki, hatto demokratik sotsialistlar kabi urushga qarshi bo'lganlar Anna Kulisioff Italiya Sotsialistik partiyasi urush tarafdorlarining so'z erkinligini o'chirish kampaniyasida haddan oshib ketganligini aytdi. Fashistlar va inqilobiy sotsialistlar o'rtasidagi bu dastlabki dushmanliklar Mussolinining siyosiy zo'ravonlikni qo'llab-quvvatlashda fashizm tabiati haqidagi tasavvurlarini shakllantirdi.[61]
Mussolini ittifoqdoshga aylandi irredentist siyosatchi va jurnalist Chezare Battisti.[38] Birinchi Jahon urushi boshlanganda, Mussolini, ko'plab italiyalik millatchilar singari, jang qilishga ixtiyoriy ravishda qo'shildi. U radikal sotsializm tufayli rad etildi va zaxiraga chaqirilishini kutishini aytdi. U 31-avgustda chaqirilgan va eski bo'linmasi bilan xizmatga kelgan Bersaglieri. Ikki haftalik malaka oshirish kursidan so'ng u Isonzo frontiga jo'natildi, u erda 1915 yil sentyabrda Ikkinchi Isonzo jangida qatnashdi. Uning bo'linmasi 1915 yil oktyabrda Isonzoning Uchinchi jangida ham qatnashdi.[62]
Bosh inspektor davom etdi:
U "urushdagi xizmatlari uchun" kapalel unvoniga ko'tarilgan. Rag'batlantirish uning namunali xulq-atvori va jangovar sifati, ruhiy xotirjamligi va noqulaylik uchun qayg'urmasligi, topshiriqlarini bajarishda g'ayrat va muntazamligi tufayli tavsiya etilgan, chunki u har doim mehnat va matonat bilan bog'liq har bir ishda birinchi o'rinda turadi.[38]
Mussolini oxir-oqibat 1917 yil fevral oyida bo'lib o'tgan jangda yaralanadi va jiddiy jarohat oldi, chunki uni frontdan evakuatsiya qilish kerak edi.[62]
Mussolinining harbiy tajribasi uning ishlarida bayon etilgan Diario di guerra. Umuman olganda, u to'qqiz oyga yaqin faol va oldingi xandaq urushini o'tkazdi. Shu vaqt ichida u shartnoma tuzdi paratifoid isitmasi.[63] Uning harbiy ekspluatlari 1917 yilda o'z xandaqidagi minomyot bomba portlashi natijasida tasodifan yaralanganida tugadi. Uning tanasida kamida 40 parcha metall bor edi.[63] U 1917 yil avgustda kasalxonadan chiqarildi va yangi gazetasida bosh muharrir lavozimini davom ettirdi, Il Popolo d'Italia. U erda ijobiy maqolalar yozgan Chexoslovakiya legionlari Italiyada.
1915 yil 25-dekabrda, yilda Treviglio, u 1910 yilda Forlida o'zining hamkasbi Rachele Guidi bilan turmush qurgan edi, u unga allaqachon Edda ismli qiz tug'gan edi. 1915 yilda u bilan o'g'il ko'rdi. Ida Dalser, Trento yaqinidagi qishloq Sopramonte shahrida tug'ilgan ayol.[17][18][64] U 1916 yil 11 yanvarda ushbu o'g'lini qonuniy ravishda tan oldi.
Kuchga ko'tariling
Milliy fashistik partiyaning tashkil topishi
U xizmatdan qaytganida Ittifoqdosh Birinchi Jahon urushi kuchlari, sotsialistik Mussolinidan juda oz narsa qoldi. Darhaqiqat, u endi sotsializm ta'limot sifatida asosan muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchraganiga amin edi. 1917 yilda Mussolini 100 funt sterlinglik haftalik ish haqi (2009 yilga kelib 6000 funtga teng) yordamida siyosatda boshlandi.[yangilash]) Britaniya xavfsizlik xizmatidan MI5, urushga qarshi namoyishchilarni uyda saqlash va urushga qarshi tashviqotlarni nashr etish. Ushbu yordam tomonidan vakolatli bo'lgan Ser Samuel Xoare.[65] 1918 yil boshida Mussolini Italiya xalqini qayta tiklash uchun "shafqatsiz va g'ayratli" odam paydo bo'lishiga chaqirdi.[66] Keyinchalik Mussolini 1919 yilga kelib o'zini "Sotsializm ta'limot sifatida allaqachon o'lik edi, u faqat g'azab sifatida mavjud bo'lib qoldi" deb aytdi.[67] 1919 yil 23 martda Mussolini yana Milanni tashkil qildi fasio sifatida Fasci Italiani di Combattimento (Italiya jangovar otryadi), 200 kishidan iborat.[68]
Fashizmning mafkuraviy asoslari bir qator manbalardan kelib chiqqan. Mussolini asarlaridan foydalangan Aflotun, Jorj Sorel, Nitssheva iqtisodiy g'oyalari Vilfredo Pareto, fashizmni rivojlantirish. Mussolini Platonnikiga qoyil qoldi Respublika, u tez-tez ilhom uchun o'qigan.[69] Respublika fashizm tomonidan ilgari surilgan bir qator g'oyalar, masalan, davlatni pirovard maqsadi sifatida targ'ib qiluvchi elita tomonidan boshqarilishi, demokratiyaga qarshi chiqish, sinf tizimini himoya qilish va sinflar hamkorligini rivojlantirish, tengsizlikni rad etish, sinf yaratish orqali millatni harbiylashtirishga ko'maklashish. jangchilar, fuqarolardan davlat manfaatlari uchun fuqarolik burchlarini bajarishni talab qilish va jangchilar va davlatning kelajakdagi hukmdorlari rivojlanishiga ko'maklashish uchun davlatning ta'limga aralashuvidan foydalanish.[70] Aflotun idealist, adolat va axloqqa erishishga qaratilgan bo'lsa, Mussolini va fashizm realistik, siyosiy maqsadlarga erishishga qaratilgan.[71]
Mussolini tashqi siyosati g'oyasi shu edi spazio vitale (hayotiy makon), shunga o'xshash bo'lgan fashizmdagi tushuncha Lebensraum nemis milliy sotsializmida.[72] Tushunchasi spazio vitale birinchi bo'lib 1919 yilda e'lon qilingan edi O'rta er dengizi, ayniqsa, deyiladi Julian Mart, bu davrdan beri Italiyaga tegishli bo'lgan birlashgan mintaqa bo'lib ko'rinishi uchun qayta aniqlandi Italiyaning qadimgi Rim viloyati,[73][74] va Italiyaning eksklyuziv ta'sir doirasi sifatida da'vo qilingan. Qo'shnini mustamlaka qilish huquqi Sloven millatlari va O'rta er dengizi, kam rivojlangan xalqlar deb da'vo qilingan odamlar yashab, Italiya aholining haddan tashqari ko'pligidan aziyat chekayotganligi sababli oqlandi.[75]
Birinchi tomonidan ishlab chiqilgan g'oyani qarz olish Enriko Korradini o'rtasidagi tabiiy mojaro 1914 yilgacha "plutokratik"Angliya singari millatlar va Italiya singari" proletar "xalqlar, Mussolini Italiyaning asosiy muammosi Angliya kabi" plutokratik "mamlakatlar Italiyani kerakli narsalarga erishishga to'sqinlik qilishida edi. spazio vitale bu Italiya iqtisodiyotining o'sishiga imkon beradi.[76] Mussolini millatning iqtisodiy o'sish potentsialini hududiy kattalikka tenglashtirdi, shuning uchun uning fikriga ko'ra Italiyada qashshoqlik muammosini faqat kerakli g'alaba qozonish yo'li bilan hal qilish mumkin spazio vitale.[77]
Garchi biologik irqchilik fashizmda unchalik mashhur bo'lmagan Milliy sotsializm, boshidanoq spazio vitale tushunchasi kuchli irqchi oqimga ega edi. Mussolinining ta'kidlashicha, kuchliroq xalqlar Yugoslaviyaning "barbar" slavyan xalqlari singari "pastroq" xalqlarga bo'ysunishi va hukmronligi uchun "tabiiy qonun" mavjud. U 1920 yil sentyabrdagi nutqida shunday dedi:
Slavyan - pastki va varvar kabi poyga bilan shug'ullanishda biz sabzi emas, balki tayoq siyosatini olib borishimiz kerak ... Biz yangi qurbonlardan qo'rqmasligimiz kerak ... Italiya chegarasi o'tib ketishi kerak Brenner dovoni, Monte Nevoso va Dinik Alplar ... Men 50000 ta vahshiy slavyanlarni 50 000 ta italiyalik uchun bemalol qurbon qila olamiz deyman ...
Italiya avvalgisini egallab olgan bo'lsa Avstriya-venger 1918 yildan 1920 yilgacha bo'lgan sohalar, besh yuz "slavyan" jamiyatlari (masalan Sokol) va kutubxonalarning ozgina qismi ("o'qish zallari") taqiqlangan edi, xususan keyinchalik "Birlashmalar to'g'risida" gi qonun (1925), "Namoyish to'g'risida" (1926) va "Jamoat tartibi to'g'risida" (1926) qonunlar bilan yopilgan - Voloskadagi o'rta maktabning Pazindagi klassik litseyi (1918) va besh yuz sloven va xorvat boshlang'ich maktablari.[80] Bir mingta "slavyan" o'qituvchilar Sardiniyaga majburan surgun qilingan va Janubiy Italiya.
Xuddi shu tarzda, Mussolini Italiya an amal qilishi haqligini ta'kidladi imperialistik Afrikadagi siyosat, chunki u barcha qora tanlilarni oqlardan "past" deb bilardi.[81] Mussolinining ta'kidlashicha, dunyo irqlar ierarxiyasiga bo'lingan (aralashtirish, ammo bu biologik asoslarga qaraganda ko'proq madaniy jihatdan oqlandi) va bu tarix a dan boshqa narsa emas edi Darvin turli "irqiy omma" o'rtasida hokimiyat va hudud uchun kurash.[81] Mussolini Afrika va Osiyoda tug'ilishning yuqori darajalarini "oq irq" ga tahdid sifatida ko'rdi va u tez-tez "Eshikda qoralar va sariqlar bormi?" Degan ritorik savol bilan murojaat qildi. "Ha, ular!" deb ta'qib qilinishi kerak. Mussolini amerikalik qora tanlilarning tug'ilish nisbati oq tanlilarga qaraganda yuqoriroq bo'lganligi sababli Qo'shma Shtatlar halokatga uchraydi, deb hisoblardi va bu qora tanlilar uni o'z darajalariga tortib olish uchun AQShni egallashi muqarrar edi.[82] Italiyaning haddan tashqari ko'payishidan aziyat chekishining o'zi italiyaliklarning madaniy va ma'naviy hayotiyligini isbotlash sifatida ko'rildi, ular Mussolini ta'kidlagan erlarni mustamlaka qilishga intilishlarida oqlanishdi - bu tarixiy asosda baribir Italiyaga tegishli edi, bu merosxo'r edi. The Rim imperiyasi. Mussolini fikrida, demografiya taqdir edi; aholisi ko'payib borayotgan millatlar zabt etishga mo'ljallangan millatlar edi; Aholisi tushgan xalqlar o'lishga loyiq kuchlarni yemirayotgan edi. Demak, ning ahamiyati natalizm Mussoliniga, chunki tug'ilish koeffitsientini oshirish orqali Italiya o'z kelajagini g'alaba qozonadigan buyuk kuch sifatida ta'minlashi mumkin edi spazio vitale amin bo'lar edi. Mussolinining hisob-kitobiga ko'ra, Italiya katta urush olib borishi uchun Italiya aholisi 60 million kishini tashkil qilishi kerak edi - shuning uchun uning bu raqamga erishish uchun italiyalik ayollardan ko'proq farzand ko'rishni talab qilgan tinimsiz talablari.[81]
Mussolini va fashistlar bir vaqtning o'zida bo'lishga muvaffaq bo'lishdi inqilobiy va an'anaviy;[83][84] chunki bu o'sha paytdagi siyosiy iqlimdagi hamma narsadan tubdan farq qilar edi, ba'zida u tasvirlanadi[kim tomonidan?] "Uchinchi yo'l" sifatida.[85] Mussolinining yaqin ishonchlaridan biri boshchiligidagi fashistlar, Dino Grandi, chaqirilgan urush faxriylarining qurolli otryadlari tuzildi qora ko'ylaklar (yoki skadristi) kuchli qo'l bilan Italiya ko'chalarida tartibni tiklash maqsadida. Parad va namoyishlarda qora ko'ylaklar kommunistlar, sotsialistlar va anarxistlar bilan to'qnashdilar; bu fraksiyalarning hammasi bir-biriga qarshi to'qnashuvlarda qatnashgan. Italiya hukumati qora tanli ko'ylaklarning harakatlariga kamdan-kam hollarda aralashgan, chunki qisman katta tahdid va kommunistik inqilobdan qo'rqishgan. Fashistlar tez o'sdi; ikki yil ichida ular o'zlarini aylantirdilar Milliy fashistlar partiyasi Rimdagi kongressda. 1921 yilda, Mussolini saylovlarga g'alaba qozondi Deputatlar palatasi birinchi marta.[18] Bu orada, taxminan 1911 yildan 1938 yilgacha Mussolini turli xil bo'lgan ishlar yahudiy muallifi va akademik bilan Margherita Sarfatti, called the "Jewish Mother of Fascism" at the time.[86]
Rimda mart
In the night between 27 and 28 October 1922, about 30,000 Fascist blackshirts gathered in Rome to demand the resignation of liberal Prime Minister Luidji Fakta and the appointment of a new Fascist government. On the morning of 28 October, Qirol Viktor Emmanuel III, kimga ko'ra Albertin nizomi held the supreme military power, refused the government request to declare harbiy holat, which led to Facta's resignation. The King then handed over power to Mussolini (who stayed in his headquarters in Milan during the talks) by asking him to form a new government. The King's controversial decision has been explained by historians as a combination of delusions and fears; Mussolini enjoyed wide support in the military and among the industrial and agrarian elites, while the King and the conservative establishment were afraid of a possible civil war and ultimately thought they could use Mussolini to restore law and order in the country, but failed to foresee the danger of a totalitarian evolution.[87]
Bosh vazir lavozimiga tayinlash
As Prime Minister, the first years of Mussolini's rule were characterized by a right-wing coalition government composed of Fascists, nationalists, liberals, and two Catholic clerics from the Xalq partiyasi. The Fascists made up a small minority in his original governments. Mussolini's domestic goal was the eventual establishment of a totalitar state with himself as supreme leader (Il Duce), a message that was articulated by the Fascist newspaper Il Popolo d'Italia, which was now edited by Mussolini's brother, Arnaldo. To that end, Mussolini obtained from the legislature dictatorial powers for one year (legal under the Italian constitution of the time). He favored the complete restoration of state authority, with the integration of the Italiyaning jangovar fasalari into the armed forces (the foundation in January 1923 of the Milliy xavfsizlik bo'yicha ixtiyoriy militsiya) and the progressive identification of the party with the state. In political and social economy, he passed legislation that favored the wealthy industrial and agrarian classes (privatizations, liberalizations of rent laws and dismantlement of the unions).[18]
In 1923, Mussolini sent Italian forces to invade Korfu davomida Korfu voqeasi. Oxir-oqibat Millatlar Ligasi proved powerless, and Greece was forced to comply with Italian demands.
Acerbo qonuni
In June 1923, the government passed the Acerbo qonuni, which transformed Italy into a single national constituency. It also granted a two-thirds majority of the seats in Parliament to the party or group of parties that received at least 25% of the votes.[88] This law applied in the elections of 6 April 1924. The national alliance, consisting of Fascists, most of the old Liberals and others, won 64% of the vote.
Squadristi violence
The assassination of the socialist deputy Giacomo Matteotti, who had requested that the elections be bekor qilindi because of the irregularities,[89] provoked a momentary crisis in the Mussolini government. Mussolini ordered a cover-up, but witnesses saw the car that transported Matteotti's body parked outside Matteotti's residence, which linked Amerigo Dumini qotillikka.
Mussolini later confessed that a few resolute men could have altered public opinion and started a coup that would have swept fascism away. Dumini was imprisoned for two years. On his release, Dumini allegedly told other people that Mussolini was responsible, for which he served further prison time.
The opposition parties responded weakly or were generally unresponsive. Many of the socialists, liberals, and moderates boycotted Parliament in the Aventine Secession, hoping to force Victor Emmanuel to dismiss Mussolini.
On 31 December 1924, MVSN consuls met with Mussolini and gave him an ultimatum: crush the opposition or they would do so without him. Fearing a revolt by his own militants, Mussolini decided to drop all pretense of democracy.[90] On 3 January 1925, Mussolini made a truculent speech before the Chamber in which he took responsibility for squadristi violence (though he did not mention the assassination of Matteotti).[91] He did not abolish the squadristi until 1927, however.[25]
Fashistik Italiya
Organizational innovations
Nemis-amerikalik tarixchi Konrad Xaraush has argued that Mussolini was responsible for an integrated suite of political innovations that made fascism a powerful force in Europe. First, he went beyond the vague promise of future national renewal, and proved the movement could actually seize power and operate a comprehensive government in a major country along fascist lines. Second, the movement claimed to represent the entire national community, not a fragment such as the working class or the aristocracy. He made a significant effort to include the previously alienated Catholic element. He defined public roles for the main sectors of the business community rather than allowing it to operate backstage. Third, he developed a cult of one-man leadership that focused media attention and national debate on his own personality. As a former journalist, Mussolini proved highly adept at exploiting all forms of mass media, including such new forms as motion pictures and radio. Fourth, he created a mass membership party, with free programs for young men, young women, and various other groups who could therefore be more readily mobilized and monitored. He shut down all alternative political formations and parties (but this step was not an innovation by any means). Like all dictators he made liberal use of the threat of extrajudicial violence, as well as actual violence by his Blackshirts, to frighten his opposition.[92]
Politsiya shtati
Between 1925 and 1927, Mussolini progressively dismantled virtually all constitutional and conventional restraints on his power and built a politsiya shtati. A law passed on 24 December 1925—Christmas Eve for the largely Rim katolik country—changed Mussolini's formal title from "President of the Council of Ministers" to "Head of the Government", although he was still called "Prime Minister" by most non-Italian news sources. He was no longer responsible to Parliament and could be removed only by the King. Da Italiya konstitutsiyasi stated that ministers were responsible only to the sovereign, in practice it had become all but impossible to govern against the express will of Parliament. The Christmas Eve law ended this practice, and also made Mussolini the only person competent to determine the body's agenda. This law transformed Mussolini's government into a de facto legal dictatorship. Local autonomy was abolished, and podestalar tomonidan tayinlangan Italiya Senati replaced elected mayors and councils.
On 7 April 1926, Mussolini survived a first assassination attempt by Binafsha Gibson, an Irish woman and daughter of Lord Ashburn, who was deported after her arrest.[93] On 31 October 1926, 15-year-old Anteo Zamboni attempted to shoot Mussolini in Bologna. Zamboni was linchlangan joyida.[94][95] Mussolini also survived a failed assassination attempt in Rome by anarchist Gino Lucetti,[96] and a planned attempt by the Italian anarchist Mishel Shirru,[97] which ended with Schirru's capture and execution.[98]
All other parties were outlawed following Zamboni's assassination attempt in 1926, though in practice Italy had been a bir partiyali davlat since 1925 (with either his January speech to the Chamber or the passage of the Christmas Eve law, depending on the source). In the same year, an electoral law abolished parliamentary elections. Buning o'rniga Fashizmning Buyuk Kengashi selected a single list of candidates to be approved by plebissit. The Grand Council had been created five years earlier as a party body but was "constitutionalized" and became the highest constitutional authority in the state. On paper, the Grand Council had the power to recommend Mussolini's removal from office, and was thus theoretically the only check on his power. However, only Mussolini could summon the Grand Council and determine its agenda. To gain control of the South, especially Sitsiliya, u tayinladi Sezari Mori as a Prefect of the city of Palermo, with the charge of eradicating mafiya har qanday narxda. In the telegram, Mussolini wrote to Mori:
Your Excellency has carte blanche; the authority of the State must absolutely, I repeat absolutely, be re-established in Sicily. If the laws still in force hinder you, this will be no problem, as we will draw up new laws.[99]
Mori did not hesitate to lay siege to towns, using torture, and holding women and children as hostages to oblige suspects to give themselves up. These harsh methods earned him the nickname of "Iron Prefect". In 1927, Mori's inquiries brought evidence of collusion between mafiya and the Fascist establishment, and he was dismissed for length of service in 1929, at which time the number of murders in Palermo viloyati had decreased from 200 to 23. Mussolini nominated Mori as a senator, and fascist propaganda claimed that the Mafia had been defeated.[100]
Umumiy saylovlar were held in the form of a referendum on 24 March 1929. By this time, the country was a single-party state with the Milliy fashistlar partiyasi (PNF) as the only legally permitted party. The list put forward was ultimately approved by 98.43% of voters.[101]
"The Pacification of Libya"
In 1919, the Italian state had brought in a series of liberal reforms in Libya that allowed education in Arabic and Berber and allowed for the possibility that the Libyans might become Italian citizens.[102] Juzeppe Volpi, who had been appointed governor in 1921 was retained by Mussolini, and withdrew all of the measures offering equality to the Libyans.[102] A policy of confiscating land from the Libyans to hand over to Italian colonists gave new vigor to Libyan resistance led by Omar Muxtor, and during the ensuing "Liviyani tinchlantirish", the Fascist regime waged a near-genocidal campaign designed to kill as many Libyans as possible.[102] Well over half the population of Cyrenaica were confined to 15 concentration camps by 1931 while the Royal Italian Air Force staged chemical warfare attacks against the Bedouin.[103] On 20 June 1930, Marshal Pietro Badoglio generalga yozgan Rodolfo Graziani:
As for overall strategy, it is necessary to create a significant and clear separation between the controlled population and the rebel formations. I do not hide the significance and seriousness of this measure, which might be the ruin of the subdued population ... But now the course has been set, and we must carry it out to the end, even if the entire population of Cyrenaica must perish.[104]
On 3 January 1933, Mussolini told the diplomat Baron Pompei Aloisi that the French in Tunisia had made an "appalling blunder" by permitting sex between the French and the Tunisians, which he predicted would lead to the French degenerating into a nation of "yarim kastalar", and to prevent the same thing happening to the Italians gave orders to Marshal Badoglio that missegenatsiya be made a crime in Libya.[105]
Iqtisodiy siyosat
| Korporatizm |
|---|
Mussolini launched several public construction programs and government initiatives throughout Italy to combat economic setbacks or unemployment levels. His earliest (and one of the best known) was the Battle for Wheat, by which 5,000 new farms were established and five new agricultural towns (among them Littoriya va Sabaudiya) on land reclaimed by draining the Pontin botqoqlari. Yilda Sardiniya, a model agricultural town was founded and named Mussolinia, but has long since been renamed Arboriya. This town was the first of what Mussolini hoped would have been thousands of new agricultural settlements across the country. The Battle for Wheat diverted valuable resources to wheat production away from other more economically viable crops. Landowners grew wheat on unsuitable soil using all the advances of modern science, and although the wheat harvest increased, prices rose, consumption fell and high tariflar tayinlandi.[106] The tariffs promoted widespread inefficiencies and the government subsidiyalar given to farmers pushed the country further into debt.
Mussolini also initiated the "Battle for Land", a policy based on melioratsiya outlined in 1928. The initiative had a mixed success; while projects such as the draining of the Pontine Marsh in 1935 for agriculture were good for propaganda purposes, provided work for the ishsiz and allowed for great land owners to control subsidies, other areas in the Battle for Land were not very successful. This program was inconsistent with the Battle for Wheat (small plots of land were inappropriately allocated for large-scale wheat production), and the Pontine Marsh was lost during World War II. Fewer than 10,000 dehqonlar resettled on the redistributed land, and dehqon poverty remained high. The Battle for Land initiative was abandoned in 1940.
In 1930, in "Fashizm haqidagi ta'limot" he wrote, "The so-called crisis can only be settled by State action and within the orbit of the State."[107] He tried to combat iqtisodiy tanazzul by introducing a "Gold for the Fatherland" initiative, encouraging the public to voluntarily donate gold jewelry to government officials in exchange for steel bilaguzuklar bearing the words "Gold for the Fatherland". Hatto Rachele Mussolini donated her wedding ring. The collected gold was melted down and turned into gold bars, which were then distributed to the milliy banklar.
Government control of business was part of Mussolini's policy planning. By 1935, he claimed that three-quarters of Italian businesses were under state control. Later that year, Mussolini issued several edicts to further control the economy, e.g. forcing banks, businesses, and private citizens to surrender all foreign-issued stock and bond holdings to the Bank of Italy. In 1936, he imposed narxlarni boshqarish.[108] He also attempted to turn Italy into a self-sufficient avtarkiy, instituting high barriers on trade with most countries except Germany.
In 1943, Mussolini proposed the theory of economic ijtimoiylashuv.
Temir yo'llar
Mussolini was keen to take the credit for major public works in Italy, particularly the railway system.[109] His reported overhauling of the railway network led to the popular saying, "Say what you like about Mussolini, he made the trains run on time."[109] Kennet Roberts, journalist and novelist, wrote in 1924:
The difference between the Italian railway service in 1919, 1920 and 1921 and that which obtained during the first year of the Mussolini regime was almost beyond belief. The cars were clean, the employees were snappy and courteous, and trains arrived at and left the stations on time — not fifteen minutes late, and not five minutes late; but on the minute.[110]
In fact, the improvement in Italy's dire post-war railway system had begun before Mussolini took power.[109][111] The improvement was also more apparent than real. Bergen Evans wrote in 1954:
The author was employed as a courier by the Franco-Belgique Tours Company in the summer of 1930, the height of Mussolini's heyday, when a fascist guard rode on every train, and is willing to make an affidavit to the effect that most Italian trains on which he travelled were not on schedule—or near it. There must be thousands who can support this attestation. It's a trifle, but it's worth nailing down.[112]
Jorj Seldes wrote in 1936 that although the express trains carrying tourists generally—though not always—ran on schedule, the same was not true for the smaller lines, where delays were frequent,[109] esa Ruth Ben-Ghiat has said that "they improved the lines that had a political meaning to them".[112]
Propaganda and cult of personality
Mussolini's foremost priority was the subjugation of the minds of the Italian people through the use of tashviqot. The regime promoted a lavish shaxsga sig'inish centered on the figure of Mussolini. He pretended to incarnate the new fascist Ubermensh, promoting an aesthetic of exasperated Machismo that attributed to him quasi-divine capacities.[113] At various times after 1922, Mussolini personally took over the ministries of the interior, foreign affairs, colonies, corporations, defense, and public works. Sometimes he held as many as seven departments simultaneously, as well as the premiership. He was also head of the all-powerful Fascist Party and the armed local fascist militia, the MVSN or "Blackshirts", who terrorized incipient resistance in the cities and provinces. He would later form the OVRA, an institutionalized maxfiy politsiya that carried official state support. In this way he succeeded in keeping power in his own hands and preventing the emergence of any rival.
Mussolini also portrayed himself as a valiant sportsman and a skilled musician. All teachers in schools and universities had to swear an oath to defend the fascist regime. Newspaper editors were all personally chosen by Mussolini, and only those in possession of a certificate of approval from the Fascist Party could practice journalism. These certificates were issued in secret; Mussolini thus skillfully created the illusion of a "free press". The trade unions were also deprived of any independence and were integrated into what was called the "corporative" system. The aim, inspired by medieval gildiyalar and never completely achieved, was to place all Italians in various professional organizations or korporatsiyalar, all under clandestine governmental control.
Large sums of money were spent on highly visible public works and on international prestige projects. These included as the Moviy Riband okean kemasi SS Reks; setting aeronautical records with the world's fastest dengiz samolyoti, Macchi M.C.72; and the transatlantic flying boat cruise of Italo Balbo, which was greeted with much fanfare in the United States when it landed in Chicago in 1933.
The principles of the doctrine of Fascism were laid down in an article by eminent philosopher Jovanni G'ayriyahudiy and Mussolini himself that appeared in 1932 in the Entsiklopediya Italiana. Mussolini always portrayed himself as an intellectual, and some historians agree.[114] Gunther called him "easily the best educated and most sophisticated of the dictators", and the only national leader of 1940 who was an intellectual.[25] Nemis tarixchisi Ernst Nolte said that "His command of contemporary philosophy and political literature was at least as great as that of any other contemporary European political leader."[115]
Madaniyat
 | Ushbu bo'lim uchun qo'shimcha iqtiboslar kerak tekshirish. (2018 yil oktyabr) (Ushbu shablon xabarini qanday va qachon olib tashlashni bilib oling) |
Nationalists in the years after World War I thought of themselves as combating the liberal and domineering institutions created by shkaflar—such as those of Jovanni Jiolitti, including traditional schooling. Futurizm, inqilobchi madaniy harakat which would serve as a catalyst for Fascism, argued for "a school for physical courage and patriotism", as expressed by Filippo Tommaso Marinetti in 1919. Marinetti expressed his disdain for "the by now prehistoric and troglodit Qadimgi yunoncha va Lotin courses", arguing for their replacement with exercise modelled on those of the Arditi soldiers ("[learning] to advance on hands and knees in front of razing machine gun fire; to wait open-eyed for a crossbeam to move sideways over their heads etc."). It was in those years that the first Fascist youth wings were formed: Avanguardia Giovanile Fascista (Fascist Youth Vanguards) in 1919, and Gruppi Universitari Fascisti (Fascist University Groups) in 1922.
After the March on Rome that brought Mussolini to power, the Fascists started considering ways to politicize Italian society, with an accent on education. Mussolini assigned former ardito and deputy-secretary for Education Renato Rikchi the task of "reorganizing the youth from a moral and physical point of view." Ricci sought inspiration with Robert Baden-Pauell, asoschisi Skaut, meeting with him in England, as well as with Bauhaus artists in Germany. The Opera Nazionale Balilla was created through Mussolini's decree of 3 April 1926, and was led by Ricci for the following eleven years. It included children between the ages of 8 and 18, grouped as the Balilla and the Avanguardisti.
According to Mussolini: "Fascist education is moral, physical, social, and military: it aims to create a complete and harmoniously developed human, a fascist one according to our views". Mussolini structured this process taking in view the emotional side of childhood: "Childhood and adolescence alike ... cannot be fed solely by concerts, theories, and abstract teaching. The truth we aim to teach them should appeal foremost to their fantasy, to their hearts, and only then to their minds".
The "educational value set through action and example" was to replace the established approaches. Fascism opposed its version of idealizm to prevalent ratsionalizm, and used the Opera Nazionale Balilla to circumvent educational tradition by imposing the collective and hierarchy, as well as Mussolini's own shaxsga sig'inish.
Another important constituent of the Fascist cultural policy was Rim katolikligi. In 1929, a concordat with the Vatikan was signed, ending decades of struggle between the Italian state and the Papalik that dated back to the 1870 takeover of the Papa davlatlari tomonidan Savoy uyi davomida Italiyani birlashtirish. The Lateran shartnomalari, by which the Italian state was at last recognized by the Roman Catholic Church, and the independence of Vatican City was recognized by the Italian state, were so much appreciated by the ecclesiastic hierarchy that Pope Pius XI acclaimed Mussolini as "the Man of Providence".[116]
The 1929 treaty included a legal provision whereby the Italian government would protect the honor and dignity of the Pope by prosecuting offenders.[117] In 1927, Mussolini was re-suvga cho'mgan by a Roman Catholic priest. After 1929, Mussolini, with his anti-Communist doctrines, convinced many Catholics to actively support him.
Tashqi siyosat
In foreign policy, Mussolini was pragmatic and opportunistic. At the center of his vision lay the dream to forge a new Rim imperiyasi in Africa and the Bolqon, vindicating the so-called "buzilgan g'alaba" of 1918 imposed by the "plutodemocracies" (Britain and France) that betrayed the London shartnomasi and usurped the supposed "natural right" of Italy to achieve supremacy in the Mediterranean basin.[118][119] However, in the 1920s, given Germany's weakness, post-war reconstruction problems and the question of reparations, the situation of Europe was too unfavorable to advocate an openly revisionist approach to the Versal shartnomasi. In the 1920s, Italy's foreign policy was based on the traditional idea of Italy maintaining "equidistant" stance from all the major powers in order to exercise "determinant weight", which by whatever power Italy chose to align with would decisively change the balance of power in Europe, and the price of such an alignment would be support for Italian ambitions in Europe and Africa.[120] In the meantime, since for Mussolini demography was destiny, he carried out relentless natalist policies designed to increase the birthrate; for example, in 1924 making advocating or giving information about contraception a criminal offense, and in 1926 ordering every Italian woman to double the number of children that they were willing to bear.[121] For Mussolini, Italy's current population of 40 million was insufficient to fight a major war, and he needed to increase the population to at least 60 million Italians before he would be ready for war.[122]
In his early years in power, Mussolini operated as a pragmatic statesman, trying to achieve some advantages, but never at the risk of war with Britain and France. An exception was the bombardment and occupation of Korfu in 1923, following an voqea in which Italian military personnel charged by the Millatlar Ligasi to settle a boundary dispute between Greece and Albania were assassinated by bandits; the nationality of the bandits remains unclear. At the time of the Corfu incident, Mussolini was prepared to go to war with Britain, and only desperate pleading by the Italian Navy leadership, who argued that the Italian Navy was no match for the British Royal Navy, persuaded Mussolini to accept a diplomatic solution.[123] In a secret speech to the Italian military leadership in January 1925, Mussolini argued that Italy needed to win spazio vitale, and as such his ultimate goal was to join "the two shores of the Mediterranean and of the Indian Ocean into a single Italian territory".[123] Reflecting his obsession with demography, Mussolini went on to say that Italy did not at the present possess sufficient manpower to win a war against Britain or France, and that the time for war would come sometime in the mid-1930s, when Mussolini calculated the high Italian birth rate would finally give Italy the necessary numbers to win.[123] Subsequently, Mussolini took part in the Lokarno shartnomalari of 1925, that guaranteed the western borders of Germany as drawn in 1919. In 1929, Mussolini ordered his Army General Staff to begin planning for aggression against France and Yugoslavia.[123] In July 1932, Mussolini sent a message to German Defense Minister General Kurt von Shleyxer, suggesting an anti-French Italo-German alliance, an offer Schleicher responded to favorably, albeit with the condition that Germany needed to rearm first.[123] In late 1932–early 1933, Mussolini planned to launch a surprise attack against both France and Yugoslavia that was to begin in August 1933.[123] Mussolini's planned war of 1933 was only stopped when he learned that the French Deuxième byurosi had broken the Italian military codes, and that the French, being forewarned of all the Italian plans, were well prepared for the Italian attack.[123]
Keyin Adolf Gitler came into power, threatening Italian interests in Austria and the Danube basin, Mussolini proposed the Four Power Pact with Britain, France and Germany in 1933. When the Austrian 'austro-fascist' Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss with dictatorial power was assassinated on 25 July 1934 by National-Socialist supporters, Mussolini even threatened Germany with war in the event of a German invasion of Austria. Mussolini for a period of time continued strictly opposing any German attempt to obtain Anschluss and promoted the ephemeral Stresa jabhasi against Germany in 1935.
Despite Mussolini's imprisonment for opposing the Italo-Turkish War in Africa as "nationalist deliryum tremens" and "a miserable war of conquest",[25] keyin Habashiston inqirozi of 1935–1936, in the Ikkinchi Italo-Efiopiya urushi Italiya bostirib kirdi Efiopiya following border incidents occasioned by Italian inclusions over the vaguely drawn border between Ethiopia and Italiya Somaliland. Historians are still divided about the reasons for the attack on Ethiopia in 1935. Some Italian historians such as Franco Catalano and Giorgio Rochat argue that the invasion was an act of ijtimoiy imperializmdeb da'vo qilib Katta depressiya had badly damaged Mussolini's prestige, and that he needed a foreign war to distract public opinion.[124] Pietro Pastorelli kabi boshqa tarixchilar bu bosqinchilik Italiyani Qizil dengiz hududi va Yaqin Sharqdagi asosiy kuchga aylantirish uchun ekspansist dasturining bir qismi sifatida boshlangan deb ta'kidlashmoqda.[124] Amerikalik tarixchi tomonidan o'rta yo'l bilan talqin qilish taklif qilingan MacGregor NoksUrush ham tashqi, ham ichki sabablarga ko'ra boshlangan, ikkalasi ham Mussolinining uzoq muddatli ekspansiya rejalarining bir qismi bo'lgan va Mussoliniga fashistik tizimni yanada radikal yo'nalishda itarishga imkon beradigan tashqi siyosat g'alabasini berishni maqsad qilgan deb ta'kidlagan. uy.[124] Italy's forces were far superior to the Abyssinian forces, especially in air power, and they were soon victorious. Imperator Xayl Selassi was forced to flee the country, with Italy entering the capital city, Addis-Ababa to proclaim an empire by May 1936, making Ethiopia part of Italiya Sharqiy Afrika.[125]
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Confident of having been given erkin qo'l by French Premier Per Laval, and certain that the British and French would be forgiving because of his opposition to Hitler's revisionism within the Stresa front, Mussolini received with disdain the League of Nations' economic sanctions imposed on Italy by initiative of London and Paris.[126] In Mussolini's view, the move was a typically hypocritical action carried out by decaying imperial powers that intended to prevent the natural expansion of younger and poorer nations like Italy.[127] In fact, although France and Britain had already colonized parts of Africa, the Afrika uchun kurash had finished by the beginning of the twentieth century. The international mood was now against colonialist expansion and Italy's actions were condemned. Furthermore, Italy was criticized for its use of xantal gazi va fosgen against its enemies and also for its zero tolerance approach to enemy guerrillas, authorized by Mussolini.[125] Between 1936 and 1941 during operations to "pacify" Ethiopia, the Italians killed hundreds of thousands of Ethiopian civilians, and are estimated to have killed about 7% of Ethiopia's total population.[128] Mussolini ordered Marshal Rodolfo Graziani "to initiate and systematically conduct a policy of terror and extermination against the rebels and the population in complicity with them. Without a policy of ten eyes to one, we cannot heal this wound in good time".[129] Mussolini personally ordered Graziani to execute the entire male population over the age of 18 in one town and in one district ordered that "the prisoners, their accomplices and the uncertain will have to be executed" as part of the "gradual liquidation" of the population.[129] Ishonish Sharqiy pravoslav cherkovi was inspiring Ethiopians to resist, Mussolini ordered that Orthodox priests and monks were to be targeted in revenge for guerrilla attacks.[129] Mussolini brought in Degree Law 880, which made miscegenation a crime punishable with five years in prison as Mussolini made it absolutely clear that he did not want his soldiers and officials serving in Ethiopia to ever have sex with Ethiopian women under any circumstances as he believed that multiracial relationships made his men less likely to kill Ethiopians.[129] Mussolini favored a policy of brutality partly because he believed the Ethiopians were not a nation because black people were too stupid to have a sense of nationality and therefore the guerrillas were just "bandits".[130] The other reason was because Mussolini was planning on bringing millions of Italian colonists into Ethiopia and he needed to kill off much of the Ethiopian population to make room for the Italian colonists just as he had done in Libya.[130]
The sanctions against Italy were used by Mussolini as a pretext for an alliance with Germany. In January 1936, Mussolini told the German Ambassador Ulrix fon Xassell that: "If Austria were in practice to become a German satellite, he would have no objection".[131] By recognizing Austria was within the German sphere of influence, Mussolini had removed the principal problem in Italo-German relations.[131]
On 11 July 1936, an Austro-German treaty was signed under which Austria declared itself to be a "German state" whose foreign policy would always be aligned with Berlin, and allowed for pro-Nazis to enter the Austrian cabinet.[131] Mussolini had applied strong pressure on the Austrian Chancellor Kurt Shuschnigg to sign the treaty in order to improve his relations with Hitler.[131] After the sanctions against Italy ended in July 1936, the French tried hard to revive the Stresa jabhasi, displaying what Sullivan called "an almost humiliating determination to retain Italy as an ally".[132] 1937 yil yanvarda Angliya Mussolini bilan Italiyaning Ispaniyaga aralashuvini cheklashga qaratilgan "Janoblar shartnomasi" ni imzoladi va Angliya tashqi ishlar vazirligi tomonidan Angliya-Italiya ittifoqini yaratish yo'lidagi birinchi qadam sifatida ko'rildi.[133] 1938 yil aprelda Angliya va Italiya Fisih shartnomalari Angliya Efiopiyani italiyalik deb tan olishga va'da bergani evaziga Italiya ittifoqdan chiqib ketishi evaziga Ispaniya fuqarolar urushi. Tashqi ishlar vazirligi Rim va Berlinni bir-biriga yaqinlashtirayotgan Ispaniya fuqarolar urushi ekanligini tushundi va agar Mussolinini Ispaniyadan ajralib chiqishga ishontirish mumkin bo'lsa, u holda Ittifoq lageriga qaytadi. Mussolini Ispaniyadan olib chiqish uchun inglizlar qirol Viktor Emmanuel IIIni Efiopiya imperatori sifatida tan olish kabi narxlarni to'lashga tayyor edilar. Amerikalik tarixchi Barri Sallivan yozishicha, inglizlar ham, frantsuzlar ham buni xohlashadi yaqinlashish Italiya bilan Millatlar Ligasi sanktsiyalari natijasida etkazilgan zararni bartaraf etish va "Mussolini majburlash o'rniga Gitler bilan ittifoq qilishni tanladi ..."[132]
1936 yil 25 oktyabrda Germaniyani qo'llab-quvvatlovchi yangi tashqi siyosatni aks ettirgan Mussolini a Rim-Berlin o'qi, bilan hamkorlik shartnomasi bilan sanktsiyalangan Natsistlar Germaniyasi va tizimga kirgan Berlin. Bundan tashqari, Efiopiyani bosib olish natijasida 12000 italiyalik va yana 4000 dan 5000 gacha liviyaliklar, eritreiyaliklar va italiyalik xizmatda jang qilayotgan somaliyaliklarning hayoti halok bo'ldi.[134] Mussolini Efiopiyani bosib olish 4-6 milliard liraga tushishiga ishongan, ammo bosqinning haqiqiy xarajatlari 33,5 milliard lirani tashkil etgan.[134] Bosib olishning iqtisodiy xarajatlari Italiya byudjetiga dahshatli zarba bo'lib chiqdi va Italiyaning harbiy modernizatsiyadagi harakatlarini jiddiy ravishda orqaga surdi, chunki Mussolini harbiy modernizatsiya uchun ajratgan mablag 'o'rniga Efiopiyani bosib olishga sarflandi, bu narsa Mussolinini Germaniyaga yo'naltirishga yordam berdi. .[135] Efiopiya urushi paytida kelib chiqqan katta qarzlarni qoplashga yordam berish uchun Mussolini 1936 yil oktyabrda lirani 40 foizga qadrsizlantirdi.[134] Bundan tashqari, Efiopiyani bosib olish xarajatlari Italiya xazinasiga 1936-1940 yillarda yana 21,1 milliard liraga tushishi kerak edi.[134] Bundan tashqari, Italiya Ispaniyadagi fuqarolar urushida halok bo'lgan 4000 kishidan ayrilishi kerak edi, Italiyaning Ispaniyaga aralashuvi Italiyaga yana 12-14 milliard liraga tushdi.[134] 1938 va 1939 yillarda Italiya hukumati 39,9 milliard lirani soliqqa tortdi, butun Italiya yalpi milliy mahsuloti 153 milliard lirani tashkil etdi, bu Efiopiya va Ispaniya urushlari Italiyaga iqtisodiy nogironliklarni keltirib chiqardi.[134] 1934-1939 yillardagi barcha harbiy Italiya byudjetlarining atigi 28% harbiy modernizatsiyaga sarflandi, qolganlari esa Mussolini urushlari tomonidan sarflanib, Italiya harbiy qudratining tez pasayishiga olib keldi.[136] 1935-1939 yillarda Mussolini urushlari Italiyaning 1999 yildagi qiymatiga 500 milliard AQSh dollariga teng bo'lgan, bu esa Italiya juda kambag'al mamlakat ekanligi uchun mutanosib ravishda katta yuk edi.[134] 1930-yillar harbiy texnikaning jadal rivojlangan davri edi va Sallivanning yozishicha, Mussolini Efiopiya va Ispaniyadagi urushlariga qarshi kurashish uchun juda noto'g'ri vaqtni tanlagan.[134] Italiya harbiy kuchlari boshqa buyuk davlatlardan orqada qolib ketayotgan bir vaqtda, Germaniya, Buyuk Britaniya va Frantsiya o'z harbiy kuchlariga tobora katta mablag 'sarflashi bilan qurollanish poygasi boshlanib, 1930-yillar rivojlanib bordi, bu holat Mussolini xususiy ravishda yuzaga keldi. Italiyaning o'z-o'zidan katta urush olib borish qobiliyatini jiddiy cheklaganligini va shu tariqa ortib borayotgan italyan harbiy qoloqligini qoplash uchun buyuk kuch ittifoqchisini talab qildi.[137]
1936 yildan 1939 yilgacha Mussolini katta miqdordagi harbiy yordamni ta'minladi Millatchilar Ispaniya fuqarolar urushida. Tomonida bu faol aralashuv Franko Italiyani Frantsiya va Britaniyadan yanada uzoqlashtirdi. Natijada Mussolinining Adolf Gitler bilan munosabatlari yanada yaqinlashdi va u buni qabul qilishni tanladi Germaniyaning Avstriyani anneksiyasi 1938 yilda, keyin esa Chexoslovakiyani parchalash 1938 yilda. 1938 yil may oyida Gitlerning Italiyaga tashrifi paytida Mussolini bu haqda aytdi Fyer Italiya va Frantsiya Ispaniyadagi fuqarolar urushiga qarshi "barrikadaning qarama-qarshi tomonlarida" kurashayotgan halokatli dushmanlar edi va Stresa jabhasi "o'lik va ko'milgan" edi.[138] Da Myunxen konferentsiyasi 1938 yil sentyabrda Mussolini yordam berish bilan birga Evropa tinchligi uchun mo''tadil ish sifatida o'zini namoyon qildi Natsistlar Germaniyasi ilova qiling Sudetland. 1936 yil Germaniya bilan eksa shartnomasi imzolanishi bilan mustahkamlandi Chelik shartnomasi 1939 yil 22-mayda fashistik Italiya va fashistlar Germaniyasini to'liq harbiy ittifoq bilan bog'lab qo'ydi.
A'zolari TIGR, sloveniyalik antifashistik guruh Mussolinini o'ldirishni rejalashtirgan Kobarid 1938 yilda, ammo ularning urinishlari muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi.
Ikkinchi jahon urushi
Bo'ron yig'ilmoqda
30-yillarning oxiriga kelib, Mussolinining demografiya bilan shug'ullanishi uni Angliya va Frantsiya kuch sifatida tugatdi, demak Germaniya va Italiya demografik qudratidan boshqa sababsiz Evropani boshqarishi kerak degan xulosaga keldi.[139] Mussolini Frantsiyada tug'ilish darajasining pasayishi "mutlaqo dahshatli" ekanligiga va Britaniya imperiyasining halokatga uchraganiga ishonishini aytdi, chunki Britaniya aholisining to'rtdan biri 50 yoshdan oshgan.[139] Shunday qilib, Mussolini Germaniya bilan ittifoq Angliya va Frantsiya bilan uyg'unlashishdan afzal, chunki kuchsizlar o'rniga kuchlilar bilan ittifoq qilish yaxshiroq deb hisoblar edi.[140] Mussolini xalqaro munosabatlarni tug'ilish darajasi yuqori bo'lgan "viril" davlatlar o'rtasida tug'ilish darajasi past bo'lgan "effete" millatlarni yo'q qilishga qaratilgan ijtimoiy darvinliklarning kurashi deb bildi. Mussolini Frantsiyani "zaif va qari" millat deb hisoblar edi, chunki frantsuzning haftalik o'lim darajasi tug'ilish koeffitsientidan 2000 ga oshgan va u Frantsiya bilan ittifoqqa qiziqmagan.[141]
Mussolinining bu Italiyaga tegishli ekanligiga ishonishi shu darajada edi destino Italiyaning tug'ilish darajasi yuqori bo'lganligi sababli O'rta er dengizi ustidan hukmronlik qilish uchun u G'arb davlatlari bilan urush uchun zarur bo'lgan jiddiy rejalashtirish va tayyorgarlikning ko'p qismini e'tiborsiz qoldirdi.[142] Mussolinini Berlin bilan to'liq muvofiqlashuvdan qaytargan yagona dalillar uning Italiyaning iqtisodiy va harbiy zaifligi to'g'risida xabardorligi edi, ya'ni u qayta qurollanish uchun ko'proq vaqtni talab qildi va undan foydalanish istagi Fisih shartnomalari 1938 yil aprelda Buyuk Britaniyani Frantsiyadan ajratish usuli sifatida.[143] Germaniya bilan harbiy ittifoq, allaqachon mavjud bo'lgan siyosiy siyosiy ittifoqdan farqli o'laroq Reyx ostida Kominternga qarshi pakt (harbiy majburiyatlari bo'lmagan) Buyuk Britaniyaning Pasxa kelishuvlarini amalga oshirish imkoniyatini tugatadi.[144] Fisih kelishuvlari, o'z navbatida, Mussolini tomonidan Angliya-Italiya munosabatlarini etarlicha yaxshilash orqali Italiyaning Frantsiyani o'z zimmasiga olishiga imkon berish maqsadida London-Frantsiya-Italiya urushi yuz berganda (Mussolini Tunisda imperatorlik loyihalari bo'lgan va ba'zi ushbu mamlakatda qo'llab-quvvatlash[145] ).[144] O'z navbatida, Fisih kelishuvlari Buyuk Britaniya tomonidan Italiyani Germaniyadan g'alaba qozonish uchun mo'ljallangan edi.
Hisoblash Galeazzo Ciano, Mussolinining kuyovi va tashqi ishlar vaziri diktatorning Frantsiyaga nisbatan tashqi siyosiy maqsadlarini 1938 yil 8-noyabrdagi kundaligi yozuvida sarhisob qildi: Jibuti Frantsiya bilan umumiy hukmronlik qilish kerak edi; "Tunis, ozmi-ko'pi o'xshash rejimga ega; Korsika, Italiya va hech qachon fransuzlashtirilmagan va shuning uchun bizning to'g'ridan-to'g'ri nazoratimiz ostida, daryodagi chegara Var."[146] Kelsak Savoy"tarixiy yoki geografik jihatdan italyancha" bo'lmagan, Mussolini uni bunga qiziqtirmasligini da'vo qilgan. 1938 yil 30-noyabrda Mussolini Frantsiya elchisini taklif qildi André Fransua-Poncet Italiya Deputatlar palatasining ochilishida qatnashish uchun yig'ilgan deputatlar uning ishorasi bilan Frantsiyaga qarshi baland ovoz bilan namoyishni boshladilar va Italiya "Tunis, Nitsa, Korsika, Savoyni qo'shib olishlari kerak!" deb baqirishdi, shundan keyin deputatlar uni ta'qib qilishdi. Frantsiyadan Tunis, Savoy va Korsikani Italiyaga topshirishini talab qiluvchi yozuvlarni ko'tarib ko'chaga chiqmoqda.[147] Frantsiya bosh vaziri Eduard Daladiyer Italiyaning hududiy imtiyozlarga bo'lgan talablarini darhol rad etdi va 1938–39 yillarda qishning ko'p qismida Frantsiya va Italiya urush arafasida edilar.[148]
1939 yil yanvarda Angliya bosh vaziri, Nevill Chemberlen, Rimga tashrif buyurdi, tashrifi davomida Mussolini Angliya Italiya bilan munosabatlarni yaxshilashni juda xohlaganiga va yon berishga tayyor bo'lganiga qaramay, Angliya-Italiya munosabatlari yaxshilanishi uchun Frantsiya bilan barcha aloqalarni uzmasligini bildi.[149] Shu bilan Mussolini Germaniyaning 1938 yil may oyida birinchi bo'lib tuzilgan harbiy ittifoq taklifiga ko'proq qiziqib qoldi.[149] 1939 yil fevralda Mussolini fashistlarning Buyuk Kengashi oldida nutq so'zladi va shu nutq davomida u davlatning kuchi "dengiz mavqeiga mutanosib" ekanligi va Italiyaning "O'rta er dengizi mahbusi, aholisi yanada kuchliroq va Italiya aylanib ketishi" ga ishonishini e'lon qildi. Bu qamoqxonaning panjaralari Korsika, Tunis, Malta, Kipr: bu qamoqxona nozirlari Gibraltar va Suvayshdir ".[150]
Yangi kurs tanqidchilarsiz qolmadi. 1939 yil 21 martda fashistlarning Buyuk Kengashi yig'ilishi paytida, Italo Balbo Mussolinini "Gitlerning butsalarini yalayotganlikda" aybladi, Dyusning Germaniyani qo'llab-quvvatlovchi tashqi siyosatini Italiyani halokatga olib borishiga olib keldi va "Buyuk Britaniyaga ochilish" hanuzgacha mavjudligini va Italiyaning Germaniya bilan ittifoq tuzishi kerakligi muqarrar emasligini ta'kidladi.[151] Ko'p bo'lsa ham gerarchi Balbo Berlin bilan yaqin aloqalarni o'rnatishni xohlamaganidek, Mussolinining tashqi siyosiy mexanizmlarni boshqarishi bu kelishmovchilikni ozgina hisoblaganligini anglatardi.[151] Fussistlar partiyasida Mussolini etakchi mavqega ega edi, ammo u Balboning "Gitlerning butsalarini yalaganligi" uchun Mussoliniga qilgan hujumi va "Britaniyaga ochilish" ni fashistlarning Buyuk Kengashi yig'ilishida birgalikda olib borishni talab qilgani kabi, bu erda u ustunlik qilmadi. yunon tarixchisi Aristotel Kallis Mussolinining "nisbatan jilovlangan" javob namoyishi deb atagan - fashistlar partiyasining fashistlarning Buyuk Kengashiga teng keladigan hech narsasi yo'q edi va Gitlerning biri buni tasavvur qilib bo'lmas edi. gallerlar xuddi shu tarzda unga hujum qilardi a gerarchi Balbo Mussolinini tanqid qilgani kabi.[151] 1939 yil aprelda Mussolini buyruq berdi Italiyaning Albaniyaga bosqini. Italiya mag'lub bo'ldi Albaniya atigi besh kun ichida shohni majbur qildi Zog qochish va muddatini belgilash Italiya ostidagi Albaniya. 1939 yil mayigacha Eksa to'liq rasmiy emas edi, lekin shu oy ichida Chelik shartnomasi shartnomasi imzolangan "do'stlik va Germaniya va Italiya o'rtasida ittifoq ", har bir tashqi ishlar vazirlari tomonidan imzolangan.[152] Po'lat shartnomasi hujumkor va mudofaa harbiy ittifoqi edi, ammo Mussolini shartnomani nemislardan kelasi uch yil ichida urush bo'lmaydi degan va'dani olgandan keyingina imzolagan edi. Italiyaning Qirol Viktor Emanuel III paktdan ham ehtiyot bo'lib, ko'proq narsani afzal ko'rgan an'anaviy italyan ittifoqchilari Frantsiya singari va aslida urush va tinchlik masalalari ustidan nazoratni Gitlerga topshirishni anglatadigan tajovuzkor harbiy ittifoqning ta'siridan qo'rqadi.[153]
Gitler Polshaga bostirib kirmoqchi edi, ammo Ciano bu ittifoqchilar bilan urushga olib kelishi mumkinligini ogohlantirdi. Gitler Tsianoning izohini rad etdi va buning o'rniga Angliya va boshqa G'arb davlatlari orqaga qaytishini bashorat qildi va u Italiyani bosib olish kerakligini taklif qildi. Yugoslaviya.[154] Ushbu taklif Mussolinini vasvasaga solgan edi, ammo o'sha bosqichda jahon urushi Italiya uchun halokat bo'ladi qurollanish vaziyatni Italiya imperiyasi hozirgacha ozg'in edi. Eng muhimi, Viktor Emmanuel bahsda betaraflikni talab qilgan edi.[154] Shunday qilib Evropada Ikkinchi Jahon urushi 1939 yil 1 sentyabrda boshlanganda Germaniyaning Polshaga bosqini Birlashgan Qirollik va Frantsiyaning Germaniyaga urush e'lon qilgani munosabati bilan Italiya mojaroga aralashmadi.[154] Ammo, nemislar 183 nafar professorni qamoqqa tashlaganida Yagelloniya universiteti yilda Krakov 1939 yil 6-noyabrda Mussolini ushbu harakatga qarshi Gitlerga shaxsan aralashdi va bu 101 qutbning ozod qilinishiga olib keldi.[155]
Urush e'lon qilindi
Ikkinchi Jahon urushi boshlanganda Ciano va Viscount Halifax yashirin telefon orqali suhbatlar olib borishgan. Inglizlar Birinchi Jahon Urushida bo'lgani kabi Italiyani ham Germaniyaga qarshi bo'lishlarini xohlashdi.[154] Frantsiya hukumatining fikri ko'proq Italiyaga qarshi harakatga qaratilgan edi, chunki ular Liviyada Italiyaga hujum qilishni xohlashdi. 1939 yil sentyabrda Frantsiya qarama-qarshi tomonga o'tib, Italiya bilan muammolarni muhokama qilishni taklif qildi, ammo frantsuzlar muhokama qilishni istamaganliklari sababli Korsika, Yaxshi va Savoy, Mussolini javob bermadi.[154] Mussolinining urush bo'yicha ishlab chiqarish bo'yicha kotibi, Karlo Favagrossa, G'arbiy Evropa bilan taqqoslaganda sanoatining nisbatan zaifligi sababli Italiyani 1942 yilgacha yirik harbiy operatsiyalarga tayyorlab bo'lmaydi, deb taxmin qilgan edi.[156] 1939 yil noyabr oyi oxirida Adolf Gitler: "Dyus yashar ekan, Italiya o'zining imperialistik maqsadlariga erishish uchun har qanday imkoniyatdan foydalanadi deb ishontirish mumkin", deb e'lon qildi.[154]
Urushning tez orada tugashiga va nemislarning g'alabasi o'sha paytga to'g'ri kelishiga ishongan Mussolini urushga Eksa tomon kirishga qaror qildi. Shunga ko'ra, Italiya 1940 yil 10-iyunda Angliya va Frantsiyaga qarshi urush e'lon qildi. Mussolini Angliya va Frantsiyaga qarshi urushni qarama qarshi mafkuralar - fashizm va "g'arbning plutokratik va reaktsion-demokratiyalari" o'rtasidagi urush-o'lim uchun kurash deb hisobladi. "serhosil va yoshlarning quyosh botishiga qarab harakat qilayotgan steril odamlarga qarshi kurashi; bu ikki asr va ikki g'oya o'rtasidagi kurash" va "bizning inqilobimizning mantiqiy rivojlanishi" sifatida.[157]
Italiya nemislarga qo'shildi Frantsiya jangi, mustahkamlangan jang Alp chizig'i chegarada. Faqat o'n bir kundan so'ng, Frantsiya va Germaniya imzoladilar sulh. Kiritilgan Italiya nazorati ostidagi Frantsiya eng edi Yaxshi va boshqa janubi-sharqiy okruglar.[158] Ayni paytda Afrikada, Mussolininikiga Italiya Sharqiy Afrika kuchlari inglizlarga hujum qildi Sudan, Keniya va Britaniya Somaliland deb nomlanadigan koloniyalar Sharqiy Afrika kampaniyasi.[159] Britaniya Somalilandi bosib olindi va 1940 yil 3-avgustda Italiyaning Sharqiy Afrikasi tarkibiga kirdi va Sudan va Keniyada Italiyaning yutuqlari bor edi.[160]
Mag'lubiyat yo'li
1940 yil sentyabrda Italiya o'ninchi armiyasi general buyruq bergan Rodolfo Graziani va kesib o'tgan Italiya Liviyasi ichiga MisrBritaniya kuchlari joylashgan joyda; bu bo'ladi G'arbiy cho'l kampaniyasi. Avanslar muvaffaqiyatli bo'ldi, ammo italiyaliklar to'xtab qolishdi Sidi Barrani kutmoqda logistik yetib olish uchun materiallar. 1940 yil 24 oktyabrda Mussolini yubordi Italiya havo korpusi u qatnashgan Belgiyaga Blits 1941 yil yanvarigacha.[161] Oktyabr oyida Mussolini italyan kuchlarini ham yubordi Gretsiya, boshlab Yunon-Italiya urushi. Dastlabki muvaffaqiyatdan so'ng, bu natija berdi, chunki yunonlarning qarshi hujumi tinimsiz yakunlandi va natijada Italiya Albaniyaning to'rtdan bir qismini boy berdi.
Afrikadagi voqealar 1941 yil boshiga kelib o'zgardi Kompas operatsiyasi italiyaliklarni qaytarib olishga majbur qilgan edi Liviya, katta yo'qotishlarga olib keladi Italiya armiyasi.[162] Shuningdek, Sharqiy Afrika kampaniyasi, Italiya kuchlariga qarshi hujum uyushtirildi. Biroz qarshilik ko'rsatgan bo'lishlariga qaramay, ular hayratda qolishdi Keren jangiva Italiya himoyasi so'nggi mag'lubiyat bilan qulab tushishni boshladi Gondar jangi. Voqealar to'g'risida Italiya jamoatchiligiga murojaat qilar ekan, Mussolini vaziyatni butunlay ochiq aytgan va "Biz nonni sharob va sharob deb ataymiz. Dushman jangda g'alaba qozonganida, uni qidirish befoyda va kulgili, xuddi inglizlar o'zlarining mislsiz ikkiyuzlamachiligida. , buni rad etish yoki kamaytirish uchun. "[163] Uning sharhining bir qismi italiyaliklarning Afrikadagi avvalgi muvaffaqiyati bilan bog'liq bo'lib, keyinchalik ittifoqchilar kuchlari tomonidan mag'lubiyatga uchradi. Shimoliy Afrikadagi barcha italyan mulklarini boshqarish huquqidan mahrum bo'lish xavfi ostida Germaniya nihoyat ularni yubordi Afrika Korps Italiyani qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun. Ayni paytda, "Marita" operatsiyasi bo'lib o'tdi Yugoslaviya tugatish uchun Yunon-Italiya urushi, natijada Axis g'alabasi va Yunonistonni Italiya va Germaniya tomonidan bosib olinishi.[iqtibos kerak]
Umumiy Mario Robotti, Italiya Sloveniya va Xorvatiyadagi 11-diviziya qo'mondoni 1942 yil iyun oyida Mussolinidan olingan ko'rsatma asosida buyruq chiqardi: "Men hammaga qarshi chiqmas edim (sic) Slovenlar qamoqqa olinmoqda va ularning o'rnini italiyaliklar egallab olishdi. Boshqacha qilib aytganda, siyosiy va etnik chegaralar bir-biriga to'g'ri kelishini ta'minlash uchun choralar ko'rishimiz kerak ".[164]
Mussolini birinchi marta bilib oldi Barbarossa operatsiyasi istilosidan keyin Sovet Ittifoqi 1941 yil 22 iyunda boshlangan va Gitler tomonidan o'zini o'zi jalb qilishni so'ramagan.[165] Mussolini Italiya armiyasi korpusiga yo'nalishni buyurib, tashabbus ko'rsatdi Sharqiy front, u erda Italiya Yunoniston va Shimoliy Afrikadagi mag'lubiyatlardan zarar ko'rgan fashistik rejimning yorqinligini tiklash uchun oson g'alaba qozonishiga umid qildi.[iqtibos kerak] 1941 yil 25-iyun kuni u Veronadagi birinchi bloklarni ko'zdan kechirdi, bu uning Rossiyaga uchish maydonchasi bo'lib xizmat qildi.[166] 5 iyuldagi Mussolini Vazirlar Kengashida uning yagona tashvishi - italiyaliklar kelguniga qadar Germaniya Sovet Ittifoqini mag'lub qilishi mumkinligi haqida gapirdi.[167] Avgust oyida Gitler bilan uchrashuvda Mussolini taklif qildi va Gitler boshqa italyan qo'shinlarining Sovet Ittifoqiga qarshi kurashish majburiyatini qabul qildi.[168] Sharqiy frontda italiyaliklar tomonidan katta yo'qotishlarga uchragan, chunki bu Italiyaning kurashi emas degan keng tarqalgan fikr tufayli xizmat juda mashhur emas edi, Mussolinining italyan xalqi oldidagi obro'siga putur etkazdi.[168] Yaponlardan keyin Perl-Harborga hujum, u AQShga urush e'lon qildi 1941 yil 11-dekabrda.[169] Mussolinining Perl-Harborga qilingan hujumga munosabati haqidagi biron bir dalil uning tashqi ishlar vaziri Sianoning kundaligidan olingan:
Ribbentropdan tungi telefon qo'ng'irog'i. U Yaponiyaning Amerikaga hujumidan juda xursand. U bundan juda xursandki, men undan mamnunman, garchi men sodir bo'lgan voqealarning yakuniy afzalliklariga amin emasman. Endi bir narsa aniqki, Amerika mojaroga kirishadi va mojaro shu qadar uzoq davom etadiki, u o'zining barcha potentsial kuchlarini amalga oshirishi mumkin. Bugun ertalab men voqeadan mamnun bo'lgan Qirolga aytdim. U, oxir-oqibat, men haqli bo'lishi mumkinligini tan olish bilan tugadi. Mussolini ham xursand edi. Uzoq vaqt davomida u Amerika va Eksa o'rtasidagi munosabatlarni aniq belgilashni ma'qul ko'rdi.[170]
Ishdan bo'shatilgan va hibsga olingan
1942 yil boshlarida Italiyaning harbiy mavqei o'zgarib bo'lmaydigan bo'lib qoldi. Mag'lubiyatidan so'ng El Alamein 1942 yil oxirida Axis qo'shinlari oxir-oqibat mag'lub bo'lgan joyga chekinishlari kerak edi Tunis kampaniyasi 1943 yil boshida. Italiya katta to'siqlarga duch keldi Sharqiy front shuningdek. The Sitsiliyaga ittifoqchilar bosqini urushni xalqning ostonasiga olib keldi.[13] Ittifoqchilarning bombardimonlari o'zlarining zararli ta'sirini ko'rayotgani sababli Italiyaning ichki jabhasi ham yomon ahvolda edi. Butun Italiyadagi fabrikalar virtual to'xtab qolindi, chunki xom ashyolar, masalan, ko'mir va neft etishmayotgan edi. Bundan tashqari, surunkali oziq-ovqat etishmovchiligi yuzaga keldi va mavjud bo'lgan oziq-ovqat mahsulotlari deyarli musodara qilinadigan narxlarda sotilmoqda. Bir paytlar hamma joyda tarqalgan Mussolinining tashviqot mashinasi odamlarga ta'sirini yo'qotdi; ko'p sonli italiyaliklar murojaat qilishdi Vatikan radiosi yoki London radiosi yangiliklarni aniqroq yoritish uchun. 1943 yil mart oyida norozilik sanoat shimolidagi ish tashlashlar to'lqini bilan boshlandi - 1925 yildan beri birinchi yirik ish tashlashlar.[171] Shuningdek, mart oyida ba'zi yirik fabrikalar Milan va Turin ishchilar oilalari uchun evakuatsiya pulini ta'minlash uchun ishlab chiqarishni to'xtatdi. Italiyadagi nemislarning mavjudligi jamoatchilik fikrini Mussoliniga qarshi keskin burib yuborgan edi; masalan, ittifoqchilar Sitsiliyaga bostirib kirganlarida, u yerdagi jamoatchilikning aksariyati ularni ozod qiluvchilar sifatida kutib olishgan.[172]
1943 yil aprel oyining boshlarida Mussolini Gitlerni Stalin bilan alohida sulh tuzishga va ittifoqchilarning Italiyaga kutilgan bosqinidan saqlanish uchun nemis qo'shinlarini g'arbga jo'natishga ishontirgan edi. Mussolini Tunis va Shimoliy Afrikadagi yo'qotishlar bilan Ittifoq generalining navbatdagi mantiqiy qadamidan qo'rqdi Duayt Eyzenxauerqo'shinlari O'rta er dengizi bo'ylab kelib, Italiya yarim oroliga hujum qilishlari kerak edi. 1943 yil iyul oyida ittifoqchilar Sitsiliyaga tushganidan so'ng, Mussolini armiyasi qulash arafasida turgani aniq edi. Bu Gitlerni Mussolinini uchrashuvga chaqirishga majbur qildi Feltre 1943 yil 19-iyulda. Bu vaqtga kelib Mussolini stressdan shu qadar chayqadiki, u endi Gitlerning maqtanishiga chiday olmadi. Shu kuni uning kayfiyati yanada qorong'ilashdi Ittifoqchilar Rimni bombardimon qildilar- bu shahar birinchi marta dushman tomonidan bombardimon qilingan.[173] Bu vaqtda urush yutqazgani aniq edi, ammo Mussolini o'zini nemis ittifoqidan olib chiqish yo'lini topa olmadi.[174]
Shu paytgacha Mussolini hukumatining ba'zi taniqli a'zolari unga qarshi chiqishgan. Ular orasida edi Grandi va Ciano. Uning bir necha hamkasblari qo'zg'olonga yaqinlashishdi va Mussolini 1943 yil 24 iyulda Buyuk Kengashni chaqirishga majbur bo'ldi. Bu urush boshlanganidan beri bu jasad birinchi marta uchrashgan edi. U nemislar janubni evakuatsiya qilishni o'ylayotganini e'lon qilganda, Grandi unga pufakchali hujum boshladi.[13] Grandi shohdan konstitutsiyaviy vakolatlarini to'liq tiklashini so'rab, qaror qabul qildi - aslida, a ishonchsizlik ovozi Mussolinida. Ushbu harakat 19-8 marj bilan amalga oshiriladi.[171] Mussolini shohga uni ishdan bo'shatish uchun qonuniy vakolat bergan bo'lsa ham, unchalik ko'rinadigan reaktsiyani ko'rsatmadi. Biroq, u Grandi ushbu harakatning fashizmning oxiri bilan bog'liqligini ko'rib chiqishni iltimos qildi.[174]
Ushbu keskin tanbehga qaramay, Mussolini ertasiga odatdagidek ish joyiga keldi. Aytishlaricha, u Buyuk Kengashni shunchaki maslahat beruvchi organ deb bilgan va ovoz berish muhim ta'sirga ega bo'ladi deb o'ylamagan.[171] O'sha kuni tushdan keyin uni Mussolinini ilgari haydashni rejalashtirgan Viktor Emmanuel qirollik saroyiga chaqirdi. Mussolini uchrashuv to'g'risida qirolga aytmoqchi bo'lganida, Viktor Emmanuel uning so'zini kesib tashladi va rasmiy ravishda uni Marshal bilan almashtirdi. Pietro Badoglio.[171] Mussolini saroyni tark etgach, uni hibsga olishdi Carabinieri qirolning buyrug'i bilan.[175] Bu vaqtga kelib, Mussolini bilan norozilik shu qadar avjga chiqdiki, uning qulashi haqidagi xabar radioda e'lon qilinganda, hech qanday qarshilik ko'rsatilmadi. Odamlar quvonishdi, chunki ular Mussolinining tugashi ham urushning tugashini anglatadi, deb hisoblashgan.[171]
O'z o'rnini nemislardan yashirish uchun Mussolini qamoqqa tashlanmasdan oldin ko'chib ketgan Campo Imperatore, tog 'kurorti Abruzzo u erda u butunlay izolyatsiya qilingan. Badoglio Germaniyaga sodiqlik ko'rinishini saqlab qoldi va Italiya eksa tomonida kurashni davom ettirishini e'lon qildi. Biroq, u Fashistlar partiyasini egallab olganidan ikki kun o'tib tarqatib yubordi va muzokaralarni boshladi Sulh 1943 yil 3 sentyabrda imzolangan ittifoqchilar bilan. Besh kundan keyin uning e'lon qilinishi Italiyani betartiblikka olib keldi; Nemis qo'shinlari Italiyani egallab olishga shoshildilar Axse operatsiyasi. Nemislar Rimga yaqinlashganda Badoglio va qirol Rimdan qochib, Italiya armiyasini buyruqsiz qoldirdilar.[176] Anarxiya davridan keyin Italiya nihoyat urush e'lon qildi Natsistlar Germaniyasi 1943 yil 13 oktyabrda Maltada; minglab qo'shinlar nemislarga qarshi kurashish uchun etkazib berildi, boshqalari esa tomonlarni almashtirishdan bosh tortdilar va nemislarga qo'shildilar. Badoglio hukumati. Bilan siyosiy sulh tuzdi chap partizanlar Italiya uchun va fashistlarning erlarini tozalash uchun.[177]
Italiya ijtimoiy respublikasi ("Salò respublikasi")
Mussolini ishdan bo'shatilgandan va hibsga olingandan atigi ikki oy o'tgach, uni Campo Imperatore Hoteldagi qamoqxonasidan qutqardilar. Gran Sasso reydi 1943 yil 12 sentyabrda maxsus Fallschirmjäger (desantchilar) bo'linmasi va Vaffen-SS komandalar mayor boshchiligida Otto-Xarald Mors; Otto Skorzeni ham ishtirok etdi.[175] Qutqaruv Mussolini sulh bitimiga muvofiq ittifoqchilar qo'liga topshirilishidan saqlab qoldi.[177] Gitler shohni hibsga olishni rejalashtirgan edi, Valiahd shahzoda Umberto, Badoglio va boshqa hukumat va Mussolinini Rimda hokimiyat tepasiga qaytarishdi, ammo hukumat janubga qochishi bu rejalarni buzgan bo'lishi mumkin.[173]
Gran Sasso reydida qutqarilganidan uch kun o'tgach, Mussolini Gitler bilan uchrashuv uchun Germaniyaga olib ketildi. Rastenburg da uning Sharqiy Prussiya shtab-kvartirasi. Gitler jamoat tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan kasblarga qaramasdan, Mussolinining tarqoq va hagar ko'rinishini hamda uni ag'darib tashlagan Rimdagi odamlarning orqasidan borishni istamasligidan hayratda qoldi. Natsistlar qatag'onining qirralarini ochish uchun qo'lidan kelganini qilish kerakligini his qilgan Mussolini yangi rejimni o'rnatishga rozi bo'ldi Italiya ijtimoiy respublikasi (Italyancha: Repubblica Sociale Italiana, RSI),[13] norasmiy sifatida Salò respublikasi shaharchasidan uning ma'muriyati tufayli Salò u erda nemislar qutqarganlaridan 11 kun o'tib joylashdilar. Mussolinining yangi rejimi ko'plab hududiy yo'qotishlarga duch keldi: ittifoqchilar va Badoglio hukumati egallagan Italiya yerlarini yo'qotish bilan bir qatorda, Bolzano, Belluno va Trento Germaniya ma'muriyati tasarrufida bo'lgan Alp tog 'etaklarining operatsion zonasi, viloyatlari esa Udine, Goriziya, Triest, Pola (hozirda Pula), Fiume (hozirgi Rijeka) va Lyublyana (Italyancha Lubiana) nemis tiliga kiritilgan Adriatik sohilining operatsion zonasi.[178][179]
Bundan tashqari, nemis armiyasi Dalmatian provinsiyalari ning Split (Spalato) va Kotor (Cattaro), keyinchalik Xorvatiya fashistik rejimi. Italiyaning yutuqlari Gretsiya va Albaniya Germaniya mag'lubiyatga uchradi, bundan mustasno Italiyaning Egey orollariRSI hukmronligi ostida nominal ravishda qoldi.[180] Mussolini Italiya davlatining har qanday hududiy pasayishiga qarshi chiqdi va sheriklariga:
Men bu erga hatto bir kvadrat metr davlat hududidan ham voz kechish uchun emasman. Buning uchun yana urushga qaytamiz. Va buning uchun biz hech kimga qarshi bosh ko'taramiz. Italiya bayrog'i ko'tarilgan joyda Italiya bayrog'i qaytib keladi. Qaerda tushirilmagan bo'lsa, men hozir bo'lganimda, hech kim uni tushirmaydi. Men bularni aytdim Fyer.[181]
Taxminan bir yarim yil davomida Mussolini yashadi Gargnano kuni Garda ko'li yilda Lombardiya. U jamoat oldida o'zini to'liq nazorat qilishini talab qilgan bo'lsa-da, u shunchaki a ekanligini bilar edi qo'g'irchoq hukmdori uning nemis ozod qiluvchilarining himoyasi ostida - barcha maqsadlar uchun Gauleiter Lombardiya.[173] Darhaqiqat, u SS tomonidan uy qamog'ida bo'lgan sharoitda yashagan, u aloqa va sayohatlarini cheklagan. U hamkasblaridan biriga kontsentratsion lagerga jo'natish uning qo'g'irchoq maqomidan afzalroq ekanligini aytdi.[174]
Gitler va Salo respublikasi hukumatini tuzgan qolgan sodiq fashistlarning tazyiqlariga berilib, Mussolini fashistlar Buyuk Kengashining so'nggi yig'ilishida unga xiyonat qilgan ba'zi fashist rahbarlarni bir qator qatl etishni tashkil qilishga yordam berdi. Qatl qilinganlardan biri uning kuyovi edi, Galeazzo Ciano. Italiya ijtimoiy respublikasi davlat rahbari va tashqi ishlar vaziri sifatida Mussolini ko'p vaqtlarini xotiralarini yozish uchun ishlatgan. Uning 1928 yildagi avtobiografik yozuvlari bilan bir qatorda ushbu yozuvlar birlashtirilib nashr etiladi Da Capo Press kabi Mening ko'tarilishim va qulashim. U 1945 yil yanvar oyida Madeleine Mollier tomonidan Italiya antifashist partizanlari tomonidan asirga olinib, qatl etilishidan bir necha oy oldin bergan intervyusida u qat'iy aytgan edi: "Etti yil oldin men qiziq odam edim. Endi men jasaddan boshqa narsa emasman. . " U davom etdi:
Ha, xonim, men tugatdim. Mening yulduzim tushdi. Menda hech qanday janjal qolmadi. Men ishlayman va harakat qilaman, ammo hamma narsa faqat fars ekanligini bilaman ... Men fojianing oxirini kutaman va g'alati tarzda hamma narsadan uzilib qolganman - endi o'zimni aktyor his qilmayman. Men o'zimni so'nggi tomoshabin ekanligimni his qilyapman.[182]
O'lim
1945 yil 25 aprelda Ittifoq qo'shinlari Italiyaning shimoliy qismiga kirib borishdi va Salo respublikasining qulashi yaqinlashdi. Mussolini va uning bekasi Klara Petachchi samolyotga chiqib, Ispaniyaga qochib ketishni niyat qilib, Shveytsariyaga yo'l oldi.[183] Ikki kundan keyin 27 aprel kuni ular qishloq qishlog'i yaqinida to'xtatildi Dongo (Komo ko'li) Valerio va Bellini nomli kommunistik partizanlar tomonidan va tomonidan aniqlangan Siyosiy komissar partizanlarning 52-chi qismi Garibaldi Brigada, Urbano Lazzaro. Bu vaqt ichida Petacchining ukasi o'zini Ispaniyaning konsuli sifatida ko'rsatdi.[184] Ularni olib borish uchun bir nechta muvaffaqiyatsiz urinishlardan so'ng Komo ular olib kelindi Mezzegra. Ular so'nggi tuni De Mariya oilasining uyida o'tkazdilar.
Ertasi kuni, Mussolini va Petacci, ikkalasi ham 15 kishilik poezd a'zolarining ko'pchiligi, birinchi navbatda vazirlar va rasmiylar bilan birgalikda otib tashlandilar Italiya ijtimoiy respublikasi. Otishmalar kichik qishloqda bo'lib o'tdi Giulino di Mezzegra va ishlatgan partizan rahbari tomonidan olib borilgan nom de guerre Colonnello Valerio. Uning haqiqiy kimligi noma'lum, ammo odatdagidek u shunday bo'lgan deb o'ylashadi Valter Audisio, u har doim qatlni amalga oshirganini da'vo qilgan, ammo yana bir partizan bahsli ravishda Colonnello Valerio deb da'vo qilgan Luidji Longo, keyinchalik urushdan keyingi Italiyada etakchi kommunistik siyosatchi.[185][186] Mussolini Gitler va uning rafiqasidan ikki kun oldin o'ldirilgan Eva Braun o'z joniga qasd qildi. RSI Mussolini mudofaa vaziridan oldin yana to'rt kun omon qoldi, Rodolfo Graziani- 1943 yildan keyin fashizmga sodiq qolgan yagona italiyalik marshal - 1 may kuni uning qoldiqlarini taslim qildi.
Mussolinining jasadi
1945 yil 29 aprelda Mussolini, Petacci va boshqa qatl qilingan fashistlarning jasadlari furgonga yuklanib, janubga Milan. Tungi soat 3:00 da murdalar eski joyda erga tashlandi Piazzale Loreto. Piazza "Piazza Quindici Martiri" deb o'zgartirildi (O'n besh shahidlar maydoni) yaqinda u erda qatl etilgan o'n besh antashashistlar sharafiga.[187]
Jasadlarni tepib, ustiga tupurishganidan so'ng, tomning tomidan teskari osilib turishgan Esso yoqilg'i quyish shoxobchasi.[188] Keyin jasadlarni tinch aholi tomonidan toshbo'ron qilishdi. Bu har qanday fashistlarning kurashni davom ettirishiga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun ham, eksa hukumati tomonidan ko'plab partizanlarning o'sha joyda osib qo'yilishi uchun qasos sifatida qilingan. Yiqilgan rahbarning jasadi masxara va haqoratga uchragan. Fashist sodiq Achille Starace qo'lga olindi va o'limga mahkum etildi, keyin Piazzale Loretoga olib borildi va Mussolinining jasadini ko'rsatdi. Bir paytlar Mussolini haqida "U xudo" deb aytgan Starace[189] o'q otishdan oldin uning etakchisidan qolgan narsalarga salom berdi. Keyinchalik Starace tanasi Mussolinining yoniga osib qo'yilgan.
Mussolini vafoti va jasadi Milanda namoyish etilgandan so'ng, belgisiz qabrga ko'milgan Musokko shaharning shimolida joylashgan qabriston. Yoqilgan Fisih yakshanba 1946 yil, uning jasadi topilgan va topilgan Domeniko Leccisi va yana ikkitasi neofashistlar.
Mussolinining tanasi bir necha oy davomida bo'shashmasdan va yangi Italiya demokratiyasidan xavotirda bo'lganligi sababli, avgust oyida tanasining kichik bagajida yashiringan holda "qaytarib olingan". Certosa di Pavia, Milan tashqarisida. Ikki Fransiskan Keyinchalik aka-uka jasadni yashirganlikda ayblandi, ammo keyingi tergov davomida uning doimo harakatda bo'lganligi aniqlandi. Hokimiyat nima qilishini bilmay, qoldiqlarni o'n yil davomida biron bir siyosiy tanazzulda ushlab turdi. Predappio yilda Romagna, uning tug'ilgan joyi. Adone Zoli, o'sha paytdagi amaldagi bosh vazir bilan bog'landi Donna Rachele, diktatorning bevasi, unga qoldiqlarni qaytarib berayotganini aytish uchun, chunki u parlamentda o'ta o'ngchilar, shu jumladan Leccisi-ning o'zi qo'llab-quvvatlashiga muhtoj edi. Predappioda diktator kriptoga ko'milgan (Mussoliniga o'limdan keyin berilgan yagona sharaf). Uning qabri yonboshlangan marmar faslarva katta idealizatsiya qilingan marmar büstü Uning qabri yuqorida.[190]
Shaxsiy hayot
Mussolinining birinchi rafiqasi edi Ida Dalserkimga uylangan Trento 1914 yilda. Juftlik keyingi yil o'g'il ko'rdi va unga Benito Albino Mussolini (1915-1942) deb ism qo'ydi. 1915 yil dekabrda Mussolini turmushga chiqdi Rachele Guidi1910 yildan buyon uning ma'shuqasi bo'lgan. Yaqinlashib kelayotgan siyosiy yuksalishi tufayli uning birinchi nikohi to'g'risidagi ma'lumotlar bostirildi va keyinchalik uning birinchi rafiqasi ham, o'g'li ham quvg'in qilindi.[64] Rachele bilan Mussolinining ikki qizi bor edi, Edda (1910-1995) va Anna Mariya (1929-1968), ikkinchisi turmushga chiqdi Ravenna 1960 yil 11 iyunda Nando Puchchi Negriga; va uchta o'g'il: Vittorio (1916–1997), Bruno (1918-1941) va Romano (1927-2006). Mussolinining bir nechta bekalari bor edi, ular orasida Margherita Sarfatti va uning so'nggi hamrohi, Klara Petachchi. Uning tarjimai holi Nikolas Farrell xabar berganidek, Mussolini ayol tarafdorlari bilan ko'plab qisqa jinsiy aloqada bo'lgan.[191]
Mussolinining qamoqqa olinishiga sabab bo'lishi mumkin klostrofobiya. U kirishni rad etdi Moviy Grotto (sohilidagi dengiz g'ori Kapri) va 18 dan 12 x 12 m gacha (60 x 40 x 40 fut) ofis kabi katta xonalarni afzal ko'rgan Palazzo Venesiya.[25]
Mussolini ona tili italyancha bilan bir qatorda ingliz tilida gaplashar, ammo ravon, ammo ravon frantsuzcha va shubhali nemis tilida gaplashar edi (uning mag'rurligi nemis tarjimonidan foydalanmasligini anglatardi). Bu Myunxen konferentsiyasida diqqatga sazovor edi, chunki hech bir milliy rahbar o'z ona tilidan boshqa hech narsa gapirmagan; Mussolini Konferentsiyada samarali ravishda "bosh tarjimon" sifatida ta'riflandi.[192]
Diniy qarashlar
Ateizm va antlerlerizm
Mussolini dindorlar tomonidan tarbiyalangan Katolik Ona[193] va an ruhoniylarga qarshi ota.[194] Onasi Roza unga ega edi suvga cho'mgan Rim-katolik cherkoviga kirib, har yakshanba kuni bolalarini xizmatga olib bordi. Uning otasi hech qachon qatnashmagan.[193] Mussolini diniy maktab-internatdagi vaqtini jazo deb bilgan, tajribasini do'zax bilan taqqoslagan va "bir marta borishdan bosh tortgan ertalab Mass va u erga kuch bilan sudrab borish kerak edi. "[195]
Mussolini otasi singari antiqlerikalga aylandi. Yoshligida u "o'zini an deb e'lon qildi ateist[196] va bir necha marotaba Xudoni uni o'ldirishga chaqirib, tinglovchilarni hayratga solishga urindi ".[194] U ilm xudo yo'qligini isbotlagan deb va u tarixiy Iso johil va aqldan ozgan edi. He considered religion a disease of the psyche, and accused Christianity of promoting resignation and cowardice.[194] Mussolini was superstitious; eshitgandan keyin curse of the Pharaohs, he ordered the immediate removal from the Palazzo Chigi of an Egyptian mummy he had accepted as a gift.[25]
Mussolini was an admirer of Fridrix Nitsshe. Ga binoan Denis Mak Smit, "In Nietzsche he found justification for his crusade against the Christian virtues of humility, resignation, charity, and goodness."[197] He valued Nietzsche's concept of the superman, "The supreme egoist who defied both God and the masses, who despised egalitarianism and democracy, who believed in the weakest going to the wall and pushing them if they did not go fast enough."[197] On his 60th birthday, Mussolini received a gift from Hitler of a complete twenty-four volume set of the works of Nietzsche.[198]
Mussolini made vitriolic attacks against Christianity and the Catholic Church, which he accompanied with provocative remarks about the consecrated host, and about a love affair between Christ and Magdalalik Maryam. He denounced socialists who were tolerant of religion, or who had their children baptized, and called for socialists who accepted religious marriage to be expelled from the party. He denounced the Catholic Church for "its avtoritarizm and refusal to allow fikr erkinligi ..." Mussolini's newspaper, La Lotta di Classe, reportedly had an anti-Christian editorial stance.[199]
Lateran shartnomasi
Despite making such attacks, Mussolini tried to win popular support by appeasing the Catholic majority in Italy. In 1924, Mussolini saw that three of his children were given birlik. In 1925, he had a priest perform a religious marriage ceremony for himself and his wife Rachele, whom he had married in a fuqarolik marosimi 10 yil oldin.[200] On 11 February 1929, he signed a concordat and treaty with the Roman Catholic Church.[201] Ostida Lateran Pact, Vatican City was granted independent statehood and placed under Church law—rather than Italian law—and the Catholic religion was recognized as Italy's davlat dini.[202] The Church also regained authority over marriage, Catholicism could be taught in all secondary schools, birth control and freemasonry were banned, and the clergy received subsidies from the state and was exempted from taxation.[203][204] Papa Pius XI praised Mussolini, and the official Catholic newspaper pronounced "Italy has been given back to God and God to Italy."[202]
After this conciliation, he claimed the Church was subordinate to the State, and "referred to Catholicism as, in origin, a minor sect that had spread beyond Palestine only because grafted onto the organization of the Roman empire."[201] After the concordat, "he confiscated more issues of Catholic newspapers in the next three months than in the previous seven years."[201] Mussolini reportedly came close to being quvib chiqarilgan from the Catholic Church around this time.[201]
Mussolini publicly reconciled with the Pope Pius XI in 1932, but "took care to exclude from the newspapers any photography of himself kneeling or showing deference to the Pope."[201] He wanted to persuade Catholics that "[f]ascism was Catholic and he himself a believer who spent some of each day in prayer ..."[201] The Pope began referring to Mussolini as "a man sent by Providence."[199][201] Despite Mussolini's efforts to appear pious, by order of his party, pronouns referring to him "had to be capitalized like those referring to God ..."[201]
In 1938 Mussolini began reasserting his anti-clericalism. He would sometimes refer to himself as an "outright disbeliever," and once told his cabinet that "Islam was perhaps a more effective religion than Christianity" and that the "papacy was a malignant tumor in the body of Italy and must 'be rooted out once and for all', because there was no room in Rome for both the Pope and himself."[205] He publicly backed down from these anti-clerical statements, but continued making similar statements in private.[iqtibos kerak]
After his fall from power in 1943, Mussolini began speaking "more about God and the obligations of conscience", although "he still had little use for the priests and sacraments of the Church".[206] He also began drawing parallels between himself and Jesus Christ.[206] Mussolini's widow, Rachele, stated that her husband had remained "basically dinsiz until the later years of his life".[207] Mussolini was given a Katolik dafn marosimi 1957 yilda.[208]
Mussolinining antisemitizm va irq haqidagi qarashlari
Although Mussolini had initially disregarded biological racism, he was a firm believer in national traits and made several generalizations about the Jews. Nevertheless, Mussolini considered Italian Jews to be Italians. Mussolini's antisemitic remarks in the late 1910s and early 1920s were more suited to the moment rather than a sincere belief in them. Mussolini blamed the Rossiya inqilobi of 1917 on "Jewish vengeance" against Christianity with the remark "Race does not betray race ... Bolshevism is being defended by the international plutocracy. That is the real truth". Yet, within a few weeks, he contradicted himself with the remark "Bolshevism is not, as people believe, a Jewish phenomenon. The truth is that Bolshevism is leading to the utter ruin of the Jews of Eastern Europe".[209]
In the early 1920s, Mussolini stated that Fascism would never raise a "Yahudiylarning savoli" and in an article he wrote he stated "Italy knows no antisemitism and we believe that it will never know it," and then elaborated, "let us hope that Italian Jews will continue to be sensible enough so as not to give rise to antisemitism in the only country where it has never existed."[210] In 1932, Mussolini during a conversation with Emil Lyudvig described antisemitism as a "German vice" and stated that "There was 'no Jewish Question' in Italy and could not be one in a country with a healthy system of government."[211] On several occasions, Mussolini spoke positively about Jews and the Sionistik harakat,[212] although Fascism remained suspicious of Zionism after the Fascist Party gained power.[213] In 1934, Mussolini supported the establishment of the Betar Naval Academy yilda Civitavecchia to train Zionist cadets under the direction of Zeev Jabotinskiy, arguing that a Jewish state would be in Italy's interest.[214] Until 1938 Mussolini had denied any antisemitism within the Fascist Party.[212]
The relationship between Mussolini and Adolf Hitler was a contentious one early on. While Hitler cited Mussolini as an influence and privately expressed great admiration for him,[215] Mussolini had little regard for Hitler, especially after the Nazis had assassinated his friend and ally, Engelbert Dollfuss, Avstrofashist dictator of Austria in 1934.
With the assassination of Dollfuss, Mussolini attempted to distance himself from Hitler by rejecting much of the racialism (particularly Nordicism and Germanicism) and antisemitism espoused by the German radical. Mussolini during this period rejected biological racism, at least in the Nazi sense, and instead emphasized "Italianizing" the parts of the Italiya imperiyasi he had desired to build.[216] He declared that the ideas of evgenika and the racially charged concept of an Oriy nation were not possible.[216] Mussolini dismissed the idea of a master poyga as "arrant nonsense, stupid and idiotic."[217]
When discussing the Nazi decree that the German people must carry a passport with either Aryan or Jewish racial affiliation marked on it, in 1934, Mussolini wondered how they would designate membership in the "Germanic race":
But which race? Does there exist a German race? Has it ever existed? Will it ever exist? Reality, myth, or hoax of the theorists?
Ah well, we respond, a Germanic race does not exist. Various movements. Qiziqish. Stupor. We repeat. Does not exist. We don't say so. Scientists say so. Hitler says so.[218]
When German-Jewish journalist Emil Ludwig asked about his views on race in 1933, Mussolini exclaimed:
Race! It is a feeling, not a reality: ninety-five percent, at least, is a feeling. Nothing will ever make me believe that biologically pure races can be shown to exist today. Amusingly enough, not one of those who have proclaimed the "nobility" of the Teutonic race was himself a Teuton. Gobineau was a Frenchman, (Houston Stewart) Chemberlen, an Englishman; Voltman, a Jew; Lapouge, another Frenchman.[219][220]
Da berilgan nutqda Bari in 1934, he reiterated his attitude towards the German ideology of Magistr poygasi:
Thirty centuries of history allow us to look with supreme pity on certain doctrines which are preached beyond the Alp tog'lari Rimda savodsiz bo'lganlarning avlodlari tomonidan Qaysar, Virgil va Avgust.[221][222]
Though Italian Fascism varied its official positions on race from the 1920s to 1934, ideologically Italian Fascism did not originally discriminate against the Italian-Jewish community: Mussolini recognised that a small contingent had lived there "since the days of the Rim shohlari" and should "remain undisturbed".[223] Hatto ba'zi yahudiylar ham bor edi Milliy fashistlar partiyasi, kabi Ettore Ovazza, who in 1935 founded the Jewish Fascist paper La Nostra Bandiera ("Our Flag").[224]
By mid-1938, the enormous influence Hitler now had over Mussolini became clear with the introduction of the Poyga manifesti. The Manifesto, which was closely modeled on the Nazi Nürnberg qonunlari,[90] stripped Jews of their Italiya fuqaroligi and with it any position in the government or professions. The racial laws declared Italians to be part of the Oriy irqi and forbid sexual relations and marriages between Italians and those considered to be of an "inferior race", chiefly Jews and Africans.[225] Jews were not permitted to own or manage companies involved in military production, or factories that employed over one hundred people or exceeded a certain value. They could not own land over a certain value, serve in the armed forces, employ non-Jewish domestics, or belong to the Fascist party. Their employment in banks, insurance companies, and public schools was forbidden.[226]
Even after the introduction of the irqiy qonunlar, Mussolini continued to make contradictory statements about race.[212] Many high government officials told Jewish representatives that the antisemitism in Fascist Italy would soon be over.[212] Antisemitism was unpopular within the Fascist party; once when a Fascist scholar protested to Mussolini about the treatment of his Jewish friends, Mussolini is reported to have said "I agree with you entirely. I don't believe a bit in the stupid anti-Semitic theory. I am carrying out my policy entirely for political reasons."[227] Hitler felt disappointed with Mussolini's lack of antisemitism.[228]
Mussolini and the Italian Army in occupied regions openly opposed German efforts to deport Italian Jews to Nazi concentration camps.[229] Italy's refusal to comply with German demands of Jewish persecution influenced other countries.[229]
In September 1943 semi-autonomous militarized squads of Fascist fanatics sprouted up throughout the Republic of Salò. These squads spread terror among Jews and anti-Fascists for a year and a half. In the power vacuum that existed during the first three or four months of the occupation, the semi-autonomous bands were virtually uncontrollable. Many were linked to individual high-ranking Fascist politicians.[230] Italian Fascists, sometimes government employees but more often fanatic civilians or paramilitary volunteers, hastened to curry favor with the Nazis. Informers betrayed their neighbors, skadristi seized Jews and delivered them to the German SS, and Italian journalists seemed to compete in the virulence of their anti-Semitic diatribes.[231]
It has been widely speculated that Mussolini adopted the Manifesto of Race in 1938 for merely tactical reasons, to strengthen Italy's relations with Germany. Mussolini and the Italian military did not consistently apply the laws adopted in the Manifesto of Race.[229] In December 1943, Mussolini made a confession to journalist/politician Bruno Spampanato that seems to indicate that he regretted the Manifesto of Race:
The Racial Manifesto could have been avoided. It dealt with the scientific abstruseness of a few teachers and journalists, a conscientious German essay translated into bad Italian. It is far from what I have said, written and signed on the subject. I suggest that you consult the old issues of Il Popolo d'Italia. For this reason I am far from accepting (Alfred) Rozenberg"s afsona.[232]
Mussolini also reached out to the Muslims in his empire and in the predominantly Arab countries of the Middle East. In 1937, the Muslims of Liviya presented Mussolini with the "Sword of Islam" while Fascist propaganda pronounced him as the "Protector of Islam."[233]
Meros
Oila
Mussolini was survived by his wife, Rachele Mussolini, two sons, Vittorio and Romano Mussoliniva uning qizlari Edda (the widow of Count Ciano) and Anna Maria. A third son, Bruno, was killed in an air accident while flying a Piaggio P.108 bomber on a test mission, on 7 August 1941. His oldest son, Benito Albino Mussolini, from his marriage with Ida Dalser, was ordered to stop declaring that Mussolini was his father and in 1935 forcibly committed to an asylum in Milan, where he was murdered on 26 August 1942 after repeated coma-inducing injections.[64] Alessandra Mussolini, qizi Romano Mussolini, Benito Mussolini's fourth son, and of Anna Maria Scicolone, Sofiya Loren's sister, has been a member of the Evropa parlamenti o'ta o'ng tomon uchun Ijtimoiy alternativ movement, a deputy in the Italian lower chamber and served in the Senat a'zosi sifatida Silvio Berluskoni"s Forza Italia ziyofat.
Neofashizm
Garchi Milliy fashistlar partiyasi was outlawed by the postwar Italiya konstitutsiyasi, a number of successor neo-fascist parties emerged to carry on its legacy. Historically, the largest neo-fascist party was the Italiya ijtimoiy harakati (Movimento Sociale Italiano), which disbanded in 1995 and was replaced by Milliy alyans, a conservative party that distanced itself from Fascism (its founder, former foreign minister Janfranko Fini, declared during an official visit to Isroil that Fascism was "an absolute evil").[234] National Alliance and a number of neo-fascist parties were merged in 2009 to create the short-lived Ozodlik xalqi party led by then Prime Minister Silvio Berluskoni, which eventually disbanded after the defeat in the 2013 yilgi umumiy saylovlar. In 2012, many former members of National Alliance joined Italiyalik birodarlar.
Ommaviy imidj
In February 2018, a poll conducted by the Demos & Pi research institute found that out of the total 1,014 people interviewed, 19% of voters of parties across the Italian political spectrum had a "positive or very positive" opinion of Mussolini, 60% saw him negatively and 21% didn't have an opinion.[235]
Ommaviy madaniyatda
- E. E. Kammings' 1927 play U features a scene in which Mussolini appears in ancient Rome dressed as Napoleon.[236]
- Olaf Stapledon in his SF novel Oxirgi va birinchi erkaklar has a future historian give Mussolini's story, though without naming him. Written in 1930, it has Mussolini starting and losing a war with France and then being killed by an angry Italian mob. The book does not predict Hitler.[237]
- In his 1938 novel Muqaddas terror, H.G. Uells predicted Mussolini's execution:
Benito Mussolini, with a surfeit of bad history decaying in his imagination, could not see the plain realities before him. Like most of his generation he dramatised human affairs in incurably geographical patches, and like most of the masterful men of his time his belief in his power to mould the life about him carried him beyond sanity. From the beginning his was an ill-balanced temperament; he would be blatant at one moment, and weeping at another. He beat at the knees of Mother Reality like an unteachable child. He wanted war and conquest, triumph over definable enemies, fierce alliances, and unforgettable antagonisms. He wanted glory. He died, as his last words testify, completely unaware of the fact that the rational treatment of human affairs does not admit of that bilaterality which the traditions of warfare require. "Do we win?" he said.He persuaded himself and he persuaded great multitudes of people that two great systems of ideas faced each other in the world, "Leftism" and "Rightism", and that he and his associated Dictators embodied the latter. He did contrive finally to impose the illusion of a definitive World War upon great masses of people.
- Mussolini is a major character in Niven and Pournelle's Inferno, takrorlash Dante"s work of that name.
- Uilyam Saroyan wrote a short story about Mussolini in his 1971 book, 74 ta rue Taitbout-dan xatlar Yoki bormang, ammo agar hammaga salom aytish kerak bo'lsa.
- Charli Chaplin1940 yilgi film Buyuk diktator satirizes Mussolini as "Benzino Napaloni", portrayed by Jek Oaki. In Uch Stooges' Men boshqa hech qachon xafa bo'lmayman, Cy Shindell plays "Chizzolini", from the then topical insult of "chisler".
- In Florestano Vancinifilm Matteottining o'ldirilishi (1973), Mussolini is played by Mario Adorf.
- Rod Shtayger played Mussolini twice: first in Karlo Lizzani1974 yilgi film Mussolinining so'nggi kunlariva keyin Lion of the Desert.
- Jorj C. Skott in the 1985 television mini-series Mussolini: aytilmagan voqea. 1985 yilda ham bo'lgan Mussolini va men, unda Bob Xoskins plays the dictator (with Syuzan Sarandon as his daughter Edda and Entoni Xopkins as Count Ciano).
- Antonio Banderas also played the title role in Benito in 1993, which covered his life from his school teacher days to the beginning of World War I, before his rise as dictator.
- Mussolini is also depicted in the films Mussolini bilan choy, and the award-winning Italian film Vincere (2009), rejissyor Marko Bellokkio.
- The episode "The Ghost of Nero" of the television series Vaqt tunnel depict Mussolini as a corporal; at the end of the episode, he becomes indwelt by the ghost of Nero.
- He is referenced in season 1 episode 3 of the hujjatli Dictators Rulebook, tomonidan National Geographic.[238][239][240]
- A comic strip ran in the Britaniyalik komiks Beano entitled "Musso the Wop". This strip, which ran from 1940 to 1943, featured Mussolini as an arrogant buffoon.[241]
- "Der Mussolini" is a hit single by the German elektropunk/Neue Deutsche Welle guruh Deutsch Amerikanische Freundschaft (DAF), from their Deutscher Schallplattenpreis-winning 1981 album Alles Ist Gut. It was covered by German-American sanoat jinsi guruh KMFDM on their 2006 remix album Ruk Zuk, shuningdek, nemis EBM/sintop guruh Va bitta on their 2007 EP Bodypop 11⁄2.
Yozuvlar
- Giovanni Hus, il Veridico (Jan Xus, True Prophet), Rome (1913). Amerikada nashr etilgan Jon Xus (New York: Albert and Charles Boni, 1929). Republished by the Italian Book Co., NY (1939) as John Hus, the Veracious.
- Kardinalning bekasi (trans. Hiram Motherwell, New York: Albert and Charles Boni, 1928).
- There is an essay on "Fashizm haqidagi ta'limot" written by Benito Mussolini that appeared in the 1932 edition of the Entsiklopediya Italiana.
- La Mia Vita ("My Life"), Mussolini's autobiography written upon request of the American Ambassador in Rome (Child). Mussolini, at first not interested, decided to dictate the story of his life to Arnaldo Mussolini, his brother. The story covers the period up to 1929, includes Mussolini's personal thoughts on Italian politics and the reasons that motivated his new revolutionary idea. It covers the march on Rome and the beginning of the dictatorship and includes some of his most famous speeches in the Italian Parliament (Oct 1924, Jan 1925).
- Vita di Arnaldo (Life of Arnaldo), Milano, Il Popolo d'Italia, 1932.
- Scritti e discorsi di Benito Mussolini (Writings and Discourses of Mussolini), 12 volumes, Milano, Hoepli, 1934–1940.
- Four Speeches on the Corporate State, Laboremus, Roma, 1935, p. 38
- Parlo con Bruno (Talks with Bruno), Milano, Il Popolo d'Italia, 1941.
- Storia di un anno. Il tempo del bastone e della carota (History of a Year), Milano, Mondadori, 1944.
- From 1951 to 1962, Edoardo and Duilio Susmel worked for the publisher "La Fenice" to produce Opera Omnia (the complete works) of Mussolini in 35 volumes.
Shuningdek qarang
- Fashistik sindikalizm
- Muqovalar ro'yxati Vaqt jurnal (1920-yillar)
- O'rta er dengizi
- Oltin Spur ordeni
- Pasifikatsiya shartnomasi
Adabiyotlar
- ^ Qarang Benito Arxivlandi 2015 yil 17-iyun kuni Orqaga qaytish mashinasi va Mussolini Arxivlandi 2015 yil 17-iyun kuni Orqaga qaytish mashinasi yilda Luciano Canepari, Dizionario di pronuncia italiana onlayn
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- ^ "Mussolini founds the Fascist party – Mar 23, 1919". History.com. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2018 yil 21 oktyabrda. Olingan 7 sentyabr 2015.
- ^ "Historic Figures: Benito Mussolini (1883–1945)". BBC – History – bbc.co.uk. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2019 yil 10 dekabrda. Olingan 20 dekabr 2019.
- ^ Anthony James Gregor (1979). Yosh Mussolini va fashizmning intellektual kelib chiqishi. Kaliforniya universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 978-0520037991.
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- ^ Haugen, pp. 9, 71
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- ^ MacGregor Noks. Mussolini unleashed, 1939–1941: Politics and Strategy in Fascist Italy's Last War. Edition of 1999. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. pp. 122–27.
- ^ MacGregor Noks. Mussolini unleashed, 1939–1941: Politics and Strategy in Fascist Italy's Last War. Edition of 1999. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. pp. 122–23.
- ^ a b v d Moseley 2004.
- ^ Viganò, Marino (2001), "Un'analisi accurata della presunta fuga in Svizzera", Nuova Storia Contemporanea (italyan tilida), 3
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- ^ "Alessandro Mussolini 1854". GeneAll.net. 8 yanvar 2008 yil. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2019 yil 4-noyabrda. Olingan 10 avgust 2014.
- ^ De Felice, Renzo (1965). Mussolini. Il Rivoluzionario (italyan tilida) (1 nashr). Torino: Einaudi. p. 11.
- ^ Gregor 1979 yil, p. 29.
- ^ Gregor 1979 yil, p. 31.
- ^ Mediterranean Fascism by Charles F. Delzel p. 96
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- ^ a b v d e f g Gunther, Jon (1940). Evropa ichida. Nyu-York: Harper va birodarlar. pp. 236–37, 239–41, 243, 245–49.
- ^ Haugen, Brenda (2007). Benito Mussolini. Compass Point kitoblari. ISBN 978-0-7565-1892-9. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2020 yil 25 sentyabrda. Olingan 3 iyun 2020.
- ^ De Felice, Renzo (1965). Mussolini. Il Rivoluzionario (italyan tilida) (1 nashr). Torino: Einaudi. 36-37 betlar.
- ^ Marc Tribelhorn (3 April 2018). "Neue Zürcher Zeitung – Als Mussolini den Ehrendoktor der Uni Lausanne erhielt". Neue Zürcher Zeitung. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2018 yil 22 iyunda. Olingan 12 noyabr 2018.
- ^ De Felice, Renzo (1965). Mussolini. Il Rivoluzionario (italyan tilida) (1 nashr). Torino: Einaudi. p. 46.
- ^ De Felice, Renzo (1965). Mussolini. Il Rivoluzionario (italyan tilida) (1 nashr). Torino: Einaudi. p. 47.
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- ^ Georg Scheuer: Mussolinis langer Schatten. Marsch auf Rom im Nadelstreif. Köln 1996, S. 21.
- ^ Denis Mack Smith, Mussolini; Biografiya (1982) pp. 9–13
- ^ R.J.B. Bosvort, Mussolini (2002) pp. 55–68
- ^ Margherita G. Sarfatti, The Life of Benito Mussolini p. 156
- ^ taken from WorldCat's entry for this book's title.
- ^ Charles F. Delzel, ed., Mediterranean Fascism 1919–1945 (1970) p. 3
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- ^ Tucker 2005 yil, p. 884.
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- ^ a b Gregor 1979 yil, p. 192.
- ^ Gregor 1979 yil, p. 193.
- ^ Gregor 1979 yil, p. 195.
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- ^ Gregor 1979 yil, 195-96-betlar.
- ^ Gregor 1979 yil, p. 196.
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- ^ a b Mussolini: A Study in Power, Ivone Kirkpatrick, Hawthorne Books, 1964. ISBN 0-8371-8400-2
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- ^ Kington, Tom (13 October 2009). "Recruited by MI5: the name's Mussolini. Benito Mussolini Documents reveal Italian dictator got start in politics in 1917 with help of £100 weekly wage from MI5". Guardian. Buyuk Britaniya Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2019 yil 19 mayda. Olingan 14 oktyabr 2009.
Mussolini was paid £100 a week from the autumn of 1917 for at least a year to keep up the pro-war campaigning—equivalent to about £6,000 a week today.
- ^ Christopher Hibbert (2001). Rome: The Biography of a City. Penguin Books Limited. 427– betlar. ISBN 978-0-14-192716-9. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2017 yil 29 yanvarda. Olingan 7 yanvar 2017.
As early as February 1918 he had been pressing for the appointment of a dictator in Italy, 'a man who is ruthless and energetic enough to make a clean sweep'. Three months later, in a widely reported speech at Bologna, he hinted that he ...
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- ^ Moseley 2004, p. 39.
- ^ Sharma, Urmila. Western Political Thought. Atlantic Publishers and Distributors (P) Ltd, 1998. p. 66.
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When Italy depreciated the lira in 1936, Mussolini ruled that all prices had to remain as they were. However, in May 1937 he had to increase wages by 15 percent because retail prices had gone up as a result of the rise in the cost of imported commodities. Nature cannot be ordered to renounce her principles.
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"Buyuk Germaniya reyxi qo'mondonining Italiyadagi buyrug'iga va 1943 yil 10-sentyabrdan italiyalik italiyaliklar hududini tashkil etishga qo'shimcha ravishda men quyidagilarni belgilayman:
Friul, Gorz, Triest, Istrien, Fiume, Quarnero, Laibach viloyatlari va Bozen, Trient va Belluno viloyatlaridan iborat Prealpine Operations Zonasida joylashgan Adriatik qirg'og'idagi operatsion zonadagi oliy qo'mondonlar o'zlarining asosiy ko'rsatmalarini olishadi. mendan faoliyat.
Fyurerning shtab-kvartirasi, 1943 yil 10-sentyabr.
Fyurer general Adolf Gitler ".
Ikkinchi hujjatni ko'ring
http://www.karawankengrenze.at/ferenc/document/show/id/317?symfony=ad81b9f2cd1e66a7c973073ed0532df1[doimiy o'lik havola] - ^ Nikola Cospito; Xans Verner Nulen (1992). Salò-Berlino: l'alleanza difficile. La Repubblica Sociale Italiana, Terzo Reyxning alohida hujjatlari bilan ajralib turadi. Mursiya. p. 128. ISBN 978-88-425-1285-1.
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- ^ Piter Egill Braunfeld (2003 yil kuz). "Italiya xolokosti: assimilyatsiya qilingan yahudiylar jamoatchiligi haqida hikoya". Amerika Yahudiylik Kengashi. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2012 yil 24 mayda. Olingan 23 mart 2011.
Ovazza yahudiylarning rejimning eng sodiq izdoshlari orasida ekanliklarini ko'rsatish maqsadida yahudiy fashistik "La Nostra Bandiera" (Bizning bayrog'imiz) gazetasini chiqardi.
- ^ Davide Rodogno (2006). Fashizmning Evropa imperiyasi: Ikkinchi Jahon urushi davrida Italiyaning istilosi. Kembrij universiteti matbuoti. p. 65. ISBN 978-0-521-84515-1.
- ^ Zukkotti, Syuzan (1987). Italiyaliklar va qirg'in. Nyu-York: Basic Books Inc. p.36.
- ^ Gibbert, p. 110
- ^ Gibbert, p. 87
- ^ a b v Kroener, Myuller, Umbreit, p. 273
- ^ Zukkotti, Syuzan (1987). Italiyaliklar va qirg'in. Nyu-York: Basic Books Inc. pp.148, 149.
- ^ Zukkotti, Syuzan (1987). Italiyaliklar va qirg'in. Nyu-York: Basic Books Inc. p.165.
- ^ Gillette, Aaron (2002). Fashistik Italiyada irqiy nazariyalar. Yo'nalish. p. 95. ISBN 978-0-415-25292-8. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2020 yil 25 sentyabrda. Olingan 3 iyun 2020.
- ^ Arielli, Nir (2010). Fashistik Italiya va Yaqin Sharq, 1933–40. Palgrave Makmillan. 92–99 betlar. ISBN 978-0-230-23160-3.
- ^ "Sobiq fashistlar hurmatga intilishadi". Iqtisodchi. 2003 yil 4-dekabr. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2014 yil 7 yanvarda. Olingan 7 aprel 2014.
- ^ "Italiya Mussolini soyasida saylov uchastkalariga boradi". Xabarchi. 4 mart 2018 yil. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2020 yil 25 sentyabrda. Olingan 16 sentyabr 2020.
- ^ Norman, Charlz (1958). Sehrgar: E. E. Cummings. MacMillan kompaniyasi. 207–208 betlar. LCCN 58-12439.
- ^ Google BooksArxivlandi 2019 yil 29 sentyabr Orqaga qaytish mashinasi, e'tibor bering Star Maker Olaf Stapledon tomonidan, p. 305.
- ^ "Diktatorlar qoidalari kitobi". Nat Geo TV. National Geographic. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2018 yil 2 sentyabrda. Olingan 2 sentyabr 2018.
- ^ "Diktatorlar qoidalari kitobi". Radio Times. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2018 yil 2 sentyabrda. Olingan 2 sentyabr 2018.
- ^ "Diktatorlar qoidalari kitobi". National Geographic. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2018 yil 2 sentyabrda. Olingan 2 sentyabr 2018.
- ^ Beanoning tarixi. Dandi, Shotlandiya: D.C. Thomson & Co. Ltd. 2008. 77-78-betlar. ISBN 978-1-902407-73-9.
Qo'shimcha o'qish
- 2007. Mussolinining shaharlari: Italiyadagi ichki mustamlaka, 1930–1939, Cambria Press.
- Bosvort, R.J.B. 2002 yil. Mussolini. London, Xodder.
- Bosvort, R.J.B. 2006 yil. "Mussolinining Italiyasi: 1915–1945 yillarda diktatura ostida hayot"London, Allen Leyn.
- Korvaja, Santi. 2001 yil. Gitler va Mussolini. Yashirin uchrashuvlar. Jumboq. ISBN 1-929631-00-6
- Daldin, Rudolph S. Oxirgi yuzboshi. http://www.benito-mussolini.com Arxivlandi 23 aprel 2020 da Orqaga qaytish mashinasi ISBN 0-921447-34-5
- De Felice, Renzo (1965). Mussolini. Il Rivoluzionario, 1883-1920 (italyan tilida) (1 nashr). Torino: Einaudi.
- De Felice, Renzo (1966). Mussolini. Il Fascista. 1: La conquista del potere, 1920-1925 yillar (italyan tilida) (1 nashr). Torino: Einaudi.
- De Felice, Renzo (1969). Mussolini. Il Fascista. 2: L'organizzazione dello Stato fascista, 1925-1929 (italyan tilida) (1 nashr). Torino: Einaudi.
- De Felice, Renzo (1974). Mussolini. Il Duce. 1: Gli anni del consenso, 1929-1936 (italyan tilida) (1 nashr). Torino: Einaudi.
- De Felice, Renzo (1981). Mussolini. Il Duce. 2: Lo stato totalitario, 1936-1940 (italyan tilida) (1 nashr). Torino: Einaudi.
- De Felice, Renzo (1990). Mussolini. L'Alleato, 1940-1942. 1: L'Italia in guerra I. Dalla "guerra breve" alla guerra lunga (italyan tilida) (1 nashr). Torino: Einaudi.
- De Felice, Renzo (1990). Mussolini. L'Alleato. 1: L'Italia II Gererada: Crisi e agonia del rejim (italyan tilida) (1 nashr). Torino: Einaudi.
- De Felice, Renzo (1997). Mussolini. L'Alleato. 2: La guerra civile, 1943-1945 yillar (italyan tilida) (1 nashr). Torino: Einaudi.
- Golomb, Yoqub; Vistrix, Robert S. 2002 yil. Nitsshe, fashizmning otasi ?: falsafaning ishlatilishi va suiiste'mol qilinishi to'g'risida. Princeton, Nyu-Jersi: Princeton University Press.
- Farrel, Nikolay. 2003 yil. Mussolini: yangi hayot. London: Feniks Press, ISBN 1-84212-123-5.
- Garibaldi, Luciano. 2004 yil. Mussolini. Uning o'lim sirlari. Jumboq. ISBN 1-929631-23-5
- Gregor, Entoni Jeyms (1979). Yosh Mussolini va fashizmning intellektual kelib chiqishi. Berkli va Los-Anjeles, Kaliforniya; London, Angliya: Kaliforniya universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 978-0520037991.
- Xibbert, Kristofer. Il Duce.
- Haugen, Brenda (2007). Benito Mussolini: Fashistik italiyalik diktator. Minneapolis, MN: Compass Point kitoblari. ISBN 978-0-7565-1988-9.
- Kallis, Aristotel. 2000 yil. Fashistik mafkura. London: Routledge.
- Kroener, Bernxard R.; Myuller, Rolf-Diter; Umbreit, Xans (2003). Germaniya va Ikkinchi Jahon urushi tashkiloti va Germaniyaning kuch sohasidagi safarbarligi. VII. Nyu-York: Oxford University Press, Inc. ISBN 978-0-19-820873-0.
- Lou, Norman. Italiya, 1918–1945: fashizmning birinchi ko'rinishi. Yilda Zamonaviy dunyo tarixini o'zlashtirish.
- Morris, Terri; Merfi, Derrik. Evropa 1870-1991.
- Mozli, Rey. 2004 yil. Mussolini: Il Ducening so'nggi 600 kuni. Dallas: Teylor savdo nashriyoti.
- Mussolini, Rachele. 1977 [1974]. Mussolini: Intim biografiya. Cho'ntak kitoblari. Dastlab William Morrow tomonidan nashr etilgan, ISBN 0-671-81272-6, LCCN 74-1129
- O'Brayen, Pol. 2004 yil. Birinchi jahon urushidagi Mussolini: Jurnalist, askar, fashist. Oksford: Berg Publishers.
- Rassom, kichik, Borden V. (2005). Mussolinining Rimi: abadiy shaharni tiklash.
- Passannanti, Erminiya, Mussolini nel kino Italiya Passione, egemonico e censura della memoria. Unanoalisi metastorica del film di Marko Bellocchio Vincere!, 2013. ISBN 978-1-4927-3723-0
- Petacco, Arrigo (tahrir). 1998 yil. L'archivio segreto di Mussolini. Mondadori. ISBN 88-04-44914-4.
- Smit, Denis Mak (1982). Mussolini: tarjimai holi, Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. tomonidan nashr etilgan Borzoi Book. ISBN 0-394-50694-4.
- Sternhell, Zeev; Sznayder, Mario; Asheri, Maia (1994). Fashistik mafkuraning tug'ilishi: Madaniy isyondan siyosiy inqilobgacha. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-04486-6.
- Stang, G. Bryus (1999). "Urush va tinchlik: Mussolinining Myunxenga olib boradigan yo'li". Lukesda Igor; Goldstein, Erik (tahrir). Myunxen inqirozi 1938 yil: Ikkinchi Jahon Urushiga tayyorgarlik. London: Frank Kass. pp.160–90.
- Tucker, Spencer (2005). Birinchi jahon urushi ensiklopediyasi: siyosiy, ijtimoiy va harbiy tarix. Santa Barbara, Kaliforniya: ABC-CLIO.
- Vaynberg, Gerxard (2005). Qurolli dunyo. Kembrij: Kembrij universiteti matbuoti.
- Zukkotti, Syuzan. 1987 yil. Italiyaliklar va qirg'in Basic Books, Inc.
Tarixnoma
- O'Brayen, Pol. 2004 yil. Birinchi jahon urushidagi Mussolini: Jurnalist, askar, fashist. O'Brayen Kirish qismida biografiyani italyan va ingliz tillarida baholaydi, Amazon.com da onlayn bo'lgan
Qo'shimcha o'qish
- Xibbert, Kristofer. Benito Mussolini, tarjimai holi. (London: Reprint Society, [1962) p., Kasal. b & w fotosuratlari bilan. onlayn
- Kirkpatrik, Ivone, ser. Mussolini, hokimiyatni o'rganish (1964) onlayn
- Ridli, Jasper. Mussolini: Biografiya (1998) onlayn
Tashqi havolalar
Ta'riflar Vikilug'at
OAV Vikimedia Commons-dan
Yangiliklar Vikipediyadan
Iqtiboslar Vikikitobdan
Matnlar Vikipediya manbasidan
Darsliklar Vikikitoblardan
Resurslar Vikipediya
- Haqiqatan ham Mussolini poezdlarni o'z vaqtida harakatga keltirdimi?
- Benito Mussolinining nutqlari
- Benito Mussolini tomonidan yoki u haqida ishlaydi da Internet arxivi
- Benito Mussolinining asarlari da LibriVox (jamoat domenidagi audiokitoblar)
- Il Dyus "Gitlerga taqiqni izladi" 2003 yil sentyabr BBC yangiliklari
- Mussolini tarjimasining vakolatli tarjimasi Fashizmning siyosiy va ijtimoiy doktrinasi (1933)
- [http://www.maxschoenherr.de/Archiv/londonNews1936.html#Mussolini Mussolini Buyuk Britaniya qiroli Jorj V. bilan qo'l berkitib, 1923 yil, Illustrated London News
- Mussolinining Piazza Augusto Imperatori
- Time jurnali, 1937 yil 5-aprel (1937 yil 5-aprel). "Islom, Dyus va Dyuk". Olingan 19 avgust 2009.
- Time jurnali, 1945 yil 7 may (1945 yil 7 may). "Milandagi o'lim". Olingan 20 avgust 2009.
- Evropa gazetalarida Mussoliniga havolalar - Evropa kutubxonasi
- Benito Mussolini kuni IMDb
- Benito Mussolini haqidagi gazetalardan olingan parchalar ichida 20-asr matbuot arxivi ning ZBW
| Siyosiy idoralar | ||
|---|---|---|
| Oldingi Luidji Fakta | Italiyaning bosh vaziri 1922–1943 | Muvaffaqiyatli Pietro Badoglio |
| Oldingi Paolino Taddei Luidji Federzoni | Ichki ishlar vaziri 1922–1924 1926–1943 | Muvaffaqiyatli Luidji Federzoni Bruno Fornaciari |
| Oldingi Antonino Di Jorjo Pietro Gazzera | Harbiy vazir 1925–1929 1933–1943 | Muvaffaqiyatli Pietro Gazzera Antonio Sorice |
| Oldingi Luidji Federzoni Emilio De Bono Alessandro Lessona | Italiya Afrikasi vaziri 1928–1929 1935–1936 1937–1939 | Muvaffaqiyatli Emilio De Bono Alessandro Lessona Attilio Teruzzi |
| Oldingi Karlo Shanzer Dino Grandi Galeazzo Ciano | Tashqi ishlar vaziri 1922–1929 1932–1936 1943 | Muvaffaqiyatli Dino Grandi Galeazzo Ciano Raffaele Guariglia |
| Yangi sarlavha | Italiya ijtimoiy respublikasi dushi 1943–1945 | Bekor qilindi |
| Tashqi ishlar vaziri 1943–1945 | ||
| Partiyaning siyosiy idoralari | ||
| Yangi sarlavha | Fashizm 1919–1943 | Bekor qilindi |
| Respublika fashistlar partiyasining dusi 1943–1945 | ||
| Harbiy idoralar | ||
| Yangi sarlavha | Imperiyaning birinchi marshali 1938–1943 | Bekor qilindi |
| Siyosat | | |
|---|---|---|
| Tadbirlar | ||
| Saylovlar | ||
| Siyosiy partiyalar |
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| Oila |
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| Ommaviy madaniyat | ||
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| Italiya Respublikasi | |
| Italiya qirolligi |
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| Italiya Respublikasi |
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A'zolari Mussolini kabineti | ||
|---|---|---|
| Hukumat rahbari va duce fashizm |  | |
| Havo kuchlari vaziri (1925 yildan) | ||
| Tashqi ishlar vaziri | ||
| Qishloq xo'jaligi vaziri (1923 yilda bekor qilingan) | ||
| Qishloq va o'rmon xo'jaligi vaziri (1929 yildan) | ||
| Mustamlakalar vaziri (1937 yilda bekor qilingan) | ||
| Italiya Afrikasi vaziri (1937 yildan) | ||
| Aloqa vaziri (1924 yildan) | ||
| Korporatsiyalar vaziri (1926 yildan) | ||
| Xalq madaniyati vazirligi (1937 yildan) | ||
| Ichki ishlar vaziri | ||
| Ichki iqtisodiyot vaziri | ||
| Ichki ta'lim vaziri | ||
| Moliya vaziri | ||
| Adliya va din ishlari vaziri | ||
| Sanoat va savdo vaziri | ||
| Jamoat ishlari vaziri | ||
| Harbiy vazir | ||
| Mehnat va ijtimoiy ta'minot vaziri | ||
| Pochta va telegraf vaziri | ||
| Harbiy ishlab chiqarish vaziri (1943 yil 6-fevraldan) | ||
| Xalq ta'limi vaziri | ||
| Savdo va valyuta vaziri | ||
| Matbuot va targ'ibot vaziri | ||
| Dushmanlardan ozod qilingan hududlar (1923 yil 5-fevralda bekor qilingan) | ||
| Xazina vaziri (1922 yil 31-dekabrda Moliya vazirligiga birlashtirildi) | ||
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