WikiDer > Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasi - Vikipediya

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining mustaqillik deklaratsiyasi
Yig'ilgan nusxaning 1823 faksimi
Yaratilgan	1776 yil iyun-iyul
Tasdiqlangan	1776 yil 4-iyul
Manzil	Qabul qilingan nusxa: Milliy arxivlar va yozuvlar Ma'muriyat Taxminiy qoralama: Kongress kutubxonasi
Muallif (lar)	Tomas Jefferson, Besh kishilik qo'mita
Imzolovchilar	56 delegatlar Ikkinchi qit'a Kongressi
Maqsad	Buyuk Britaniyadan ajralib chiqqanligini e'lon qilish va tushuntirish[1]

Ushbu maqola haqida ketma-ket qismidir
Amerika inqilobi 1765–1783
Kelib chiqishi Shakar to'g'risidagi qonun Valyuta to'g'risidagi qonun Choraklik aktlari Pochta markasi to'g'risidagi qonun 1765 Deklaratsion qonun Vakilsiz soliq solinmaydi Taunsend aktlari Choy qonuni Boston qirg'ini Boston choyxonasi Chidab bo'lmaydigan harakatlar
Inqilobiy urush Qit'a armiyasi Kontinental dengiz floti Minutemenlar Janglar Aql Parij shartnomasi Xarajatlar
Mustaqillik deklaratsiyasi Kontinental Kongress Besh kishilik qo'mita (Tomas Jefferson) Li Qarori 27 ta mustamlakachilik shikoyati Konfederatsiya moddalari
Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Konstitutsiyasi Filadelfiya konvensiyasi Annapolis konvensiyasi Federalist hujjatlar Huquqlar to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi
Yangi respublika Respublikachilik Amerika ma'rifati Liberalizm Birinchi buyuk uyg'onish Ayollarning roli
Meros Qo'shma Shtatlar Atlantika inqiloblari Ikki yillik
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The Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining mustaqillik deklaratsiyasi (rasmiy ravishda Amerikaning o'n uchta birlashgan davlatlarining yakdil deklaratsiyasi) tomonidan qabul qilingan talaffuz Ikkinchi qit'a Kongressi uchrashuv Filadelfiya, Pensilvaniya, 1776 yil 4-iyulda. Deklaratsiyada nima uchun O'n uchta koloniya bilan urushda Buyuk Britaniya qirolligi o'zlarini o'n uch mustaqil deb hisoblashgan suveren davlatlar, endi Britaniya hukmronligi ostida emas. Deklaratsiya bilan ushbu yangi davlatlar tashkil etish yo'lida kollektiv ravishda birinchi qadam tashladilar Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari. Deklaratsiyani vakillar imzoladilar Nyu-Xempshir, Massachusets ko'rfazi, Rod-Aylend, Konnektikut, Nyu York, Nyu-Jersi, Pensilvaniya, Merilend, Delaver, Virjiniya, Shimoliy Karolina, Janubiy Karolinava Gruziya.

The Li Qarori mustaqillik uchun 2-iyul kuni Ikkinchi qit'a Kongressi qarshi ovoz bermasdan o'tdi. The Besh kishilik qo'mita Kongress mustaqillikka ovoz berganida tayyor bo'lishi uchun Deklaratsiyani tayyorlagan edi. Jon Adams, mustaqillikka intilishning etakchisi, qo'mitani tanlashga ishontirgan edi Tomas Jefferson hujjatning asl loyihasini tuzish,^[2] oxirgi versiyasini ishlab chiqarish uchun Kongress tahrir qilgan. Deklaratsiya nima uchun Kongress Buyuk Britaniyadan mustaqilligini e'lon qilish uchun ovoz berganiga, rasmiylar boshlanganidan bir yildan ko'proq vaqt o'tgach, rasmiy tushuntirish edi. Amerika inqilobiy urushi. Adams xotiniga xat yozgan Abigayl, "1776 yil iyulning ikkinchi kuni Amerika tarixidagi eng unutilmas epoxa bo'ladi"^[3] - Mustaqillik kuni haqiqatan ham 4 iyulda nishonlansa-da, Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasining matni tasdiqlangan sana.

4-iyul kuni matnni ratifikatsiya qilgandan so'ng Kongress Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasini bir necha shaklda chiqardi. Dastlab u bosma sifatida nashr etilgan Dunlap keng keng tarqalgan va ommaga o'qilgan. Ushbu nashr uchun foydalanilgan asl nusxasi yo'qolgan va ehtimol Tomas Jeffersonning qo'lidagi nusxasi bo'lishi mumkin.^[4] Jeffersonning asl qoralamasi saqlanib qolgan Kongress kutubxonasi, Jon Adams va tomonidan kiritilgan o'zgarishlar bilan yakunlandi Benjamin Franklin, shuningdek, Jeffersonning Kongress tomonidan kiritilgan o'zgarishlarga oid yozuvlari. Deklaratsiyaning eng taniqli versiyasi - imzolangan nusxasi Milliy arxivlar Vashingtonda, va rasmiy ravishda rasmiy hujjat sifatida qabul qilingan. Bu g'amgin nusxasi (yakunlangan, xattotlik nusxasi) 19 iyulda Kongress tomonidan buyurtma qilingan va asosan 2 avgustda imzolangan.^[5][6]

Deklaratsiyaning manbalari va talqini ko'plab ilmiy tadqiqotlarning mavzusi bo'lgan. Deklaratsiya AQShning mustaqilligini ro'yxatlash orqali oqladi 27 ta mustamlakachilik shikoyati qarshi Qirol Jorj III va muayyan tabiiy va qonuniy huquqlarni, shu jumladan inqilob huquqini ta'minlash orqali. Uning asl maqsadi mustaqillikni e'lon qilish edi va keyingi yillarda Deklaratsiya matniga havolalar kam edi. Avraam Linkoln kabi, uni o'z siyosati va ritorikasining markaziga aylantirdi Gettysburg manzili 1863 yil. O'shandan beri u inson huquqlari bo'yicha taniqli bayonotga aylandi, xususan uning ikkinchi jumlasi:

Biz bu haqiqatlarni o'z-o'zidan ravshan deb bilamiz, hamma insonlar bir xilda yaratilgan, ularga Yaratgan tomonidan ularga ba'zi bir ajralmas huquqlar berilgan, ular orasida Hayot, Ozodlik va Baxtga intilish bor.

Bu "ingliz tilidagi eng taniqli jumlalardan biri" deb nomlangan,^[7] tarkibida "Amerika tarixidagi eng kuchli va natijaviy so'zlar" mavjud.^[8] Ushbu parcha Qo'shma Shtatlar harakat qilishi kerak bo'lgan axloqiy me'yorni ifodalaydi. Ushbu qarashni Linkoln ayniqsa ilgari surdi, u Deklaratsiyani o'zining siyosiy falsafasining asosi deb hisobladi va bu printsiplarning bayoni, deb ta'kidladi. Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Konstitutsiyasi talqin qilinishi kerak.^[9]

Mustaqillik deklaratsiyasi boshqa mamlakatlarda ham shunga o'xshash ko'plab hujjatlarga ilhom berdi, birinchisi 1789 y Deklaratsiyasi Birlashgan Belgiya Shtatlari davomida chiqarilgan Brabant inqilobi ichida Avstriya Niderlandiyasi. Shuningdek, u Evropada va Lotin Amerikasida, shuningdek Afrikada ko'plab mustaqillik deklaratsiyalari uchun asosiy model bo'lib xizmat qildi (Liberiya) va Okeaniya (Yangi Zelandiya) 19-asrning birinchi yarmida.^[10]

Fon

Tomas Jefferson, Deklaratsiyaning asosiy muallifi

Ishoning, aziz janob: Britaniya imperiyasida mendan ko'ra Buyuk Britaniya bilan ittifoqni samimiy sevadigan odam yo'q. Ammo, meni yaratgan Xudoga qasamki, Britaniya Parlamenti taklif qilgan shartlar bilan aloqaga kirishishdan oldin, o'z hayotimni to'xtataman; va bu erda men Amerika hissiyotlarini gapiraman deb o'ylayman.

— Tomas Jefferson, 1775 yil 29-noyabr^[11]

Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasi 1776 yil iyulda qabul qilingan vaqtga kelib O'n uchta koloniya va Buyuk Britaniya bir yildan ortiq urushda edi. 1763 yildan buyon mustamlakalar va ona mamlakat o'rtasidagi munosabatlar yomonlashdi. Parlament kabi koloniyalardan tushumlarni ko'paytirish bo'yicha bir qator chora-tadbirlarni amalga oshirdi 1765 yilgi shtamp to'g'risidagi qonun va Taunsend aktlari 1767 yil. Parlament ushbu xatti-harakatlarni koloniyalar ularni ushlab qolish uchun sarflangan xarajatlardan adolatli ulushini to'lashning qonuniy vositasi deb hisoblagan. Britaniya imperiyasi.^[12]

Biroq, ko'plab mustamlakachilar imperiyaning boshqa kontseptsiyasini ishlab chiqdilar. Koloniyalar to'g'ridan-to'g'ri Parlamentda vakili bo'lmagan va mustamlakachilar Parlamentda qatnashgan deb ta'kidlashgan soliq undirish huquqi yo'q ularga. Ushbu soliq mojarosi ingliz va amerika talqinlari o'rtasidagi katta kelishmovchilikning bir qismi edi Britaniya konstitutsiyasi koloniyalarda parlament vakolatining darajasi.^[13] Pravoslav Britaniyaning qarashlari, dan boshlab Shonli inqilob 1688 yil, Parlament edi oliy hokimiyat butun imperiya bo'ylab va shuning uchun, ta'rifga ko'ra, parlament qilgan har qanday narsa konstitutsiyaviy edi.^[14] Ammo koloniyalarda Britaniya Konstitutsiyasi aniq deb tan olgan degan g'oya paydo bo'ldi asosiy huquqlar hech bir hukumat, hattoki parlament ham buzishi mumkin emas.^[15] Taunsend aktlaridan so'ng ba'zi esseistlar hattoki parlamentda biron bir narsa bor-yo'qligi haqida savol berishni boshladilar qonuniy koloniyalardagi yurisdiktsiya.^[16] Tartibini kutish Britaniya Hamdo'stligi,^[17] kabi 1774 amerikalik yozuvchilar tomonidan Samuel Adams, Jeyms Uilsonva Tomas Jeferson parlament faqat Buyuk Britaniyaning qonun chiqaruvchi organi ekanligi va o'zlarining qonun chiqaruvchi organlariga ega bo'lgan mustamlakalar faqat tojga sodiqliklari tufayli boshqa imperiya bilan bog'langanligi haqida bahslashishgan.^[18]

Kongress yig'iladi

Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasida 13 ta davlat

Parlamentning koloniyalardagi vakolatlari masalasi parlament qabul qilganidan keyin inqirozga aylandi Majburiy harakatlar (koloniyalardagi chidab bo'lmas harakatlar deb nomlangan) 1774 yilda kolonistlarni jazolash uchun Gaspee ishi 1772 yil va Boston choyxonasi 1773 yil. Ko'plab mustamlakachilar Majburiy xatti-harakatlarni Buyuk Britaniya Konstitutsiyasini buzish va shu tariqa barcha mamlakatlarning erkinliklariga tahdid deb hisoblashgan. Britaniya Amerikasi, shuning uchun Birinchi qit'a Kongressi javobni muvofiqlashtirish uchun 1774 yil sentyabrda Filadelfiyada yig'ilgan. Kongress a ingliz tovarlarini boykot qilish va podshohga murojaat qildi aktlarni bekor qilish uchun. Ushbu chora-tadbirlar muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi, chunki qirol Jorj va Bosh vazirning vazirligi Lord Shimoliy Amerikada parlament ustunligini ta'minlashga qat'iy qaror qildilar. 1774 yil noyabrda qirol Shimoliyga yozganidek, "zarbalar ushbu mamlakatga bo'ysunishi yoki mustaqil bo'lishini hal qilishi kerak".^[19]

Ko'pchilik mustamlakachilar Buyuk Britaniya bilan yarashishga umid qilishgan, hatto urush boshlanganidan keyin ham Amerika inqilobiy urushi da Leksington va Konkord 1775 yil aprelda.^[20] The Ikkinchi qit'a Kongressi da yig'ilgan Pensilvaniya shtati uyi 1775 yil may oyida Filadelfiyada va ba'zi delegatlar oxir-oqibat mustaqillikka umid qilishdi, ammo hali hech kim buni e'lon qilishni yoqlamadi.^[21] Ko'p kolonistlar endi parlamentning ular ustidan suverenitetga ega ekanligiga ishonishmadi, ammo ular hanuzgacha ular nomidan shafoat qiladi deb umid qilgan qirol Jorjga sodiqligini bildirishdi. 1775 yil oxirida shoh Kongressni rad etganida ular umidsizlikka tushishdi ikkinchi murojaat, chiqarilgan Isyonni e'lon qilishva 26 oktyabr kuni parlament oldida isyonni bostirish uchun "do'stona yordam takliflarini" ko'rib chiqayotganini e'lon qildi.^[22] Parlamentdagi amerikaparast ozchilik hukumat mustamlakachilarni mustaqillik sari etaklayotgani haqida ogohlantirdi.^[23]

Mustaqillik sari

Tomas Peynrisola Umumiy ma'noda 1776 yil yanvarida nashr etilgan, xuddi koloniyalarda qirolning yarashtiruvchi sifatida harakat qilishga moyil emasligi aniq bo'lgan.^[24] Peyn koloniyalarga Angliyadan yaqinda kelgan edi va u mustamlakachilik mustaqilligi tarafdori bo'lib, uni himoya qildi respublikachilik monarxiya va irsiy boshqaruvga alternativa sifatida.^[25] Umumiy ma'noda Amerika mustamlakalarida hanuzgacha jiddiy intellektual e'tiborga olinmagan mustaqillik uchun ishonarli va shafqatsiz ish qildi. Peyn mustaqillikni protestantlarning e'tiqodlari bilan amerikaliklarning aniq siyosiy identifikatsiyasini namoyish etish vositasi bilan bog'ladi va shu bilan ilgari ozchiliklar ochiq muhokama qilishga jur'at etmagan mavzu bo'yicha jamoatchilik muhokamalarini qo'zg'atdi,^[26] nashr etilganidan keyin Buyuk Britaniyadan ajralib chiqishni jamoatchilik qo'llab-quvvatlashi tobora ortib bordi.^[27]

Filadelfiyadagi majlislar zali Mustaqillik zaliIkkinchi qit'a kongressi Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasini qabul qilgan joyda

Ba'zi mustamlakachilar hali ham yarashishga umid qilishgan, ammo 1776 yil boshidagi o'zgarishlar mustaqillikni jamoatchilik tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlashni yanada kuchaytirdi. 1776 yil fevralda kolonistlar parlament tomonidan qabul qilinganligini bilib oldilar Taqiqlash to'g'risidagi qonunAmerika portlarini blokirovka qilgan va Amerika kemalarini dushman kemalari deb e'lon qilgan. Jon Adamsmustaqillikning kuchli tarafdori bo'lib, parlament Kongress imkoniyatiga ega bo'lmasdan oldin Amerikaning mustaqilligini amalda e'lon qilgan deb ishongan. Adams taqiqlovchi qonunga "Mustaqillik akti" deb nom berib, uni "Buyuk Britaniya imperiyasining parchalanishi" deb atadi.^[28] Mustaqillikni e'lon qilishni qo'llab-quvvatlash, qirol Jorj nemis yollanma askarlarini Amerikadagi fuqarolariga qarshi ishlatish uchun yollaganligi tasdiqlangandan keyin yanada oshdi.^[29]

Mustaqillikni xalq tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanayotganiga qaramay, Kongressda uni e'lon qilish uchun aniq vakolat yo'q edi. Delegatlar Kongressga 13 xil hukumat tomonidan saylangan, ular tarkibiga ekstralal konvensiyalar, vaqtinchalik qo'mitalar va saylangan yig'ilishlar kiritilgan va ular ularga berilgan ko'rsatmalarga rioya qilingan. Shaxsiy fikrlaridan qat'i nazar, delegatlar, agar ularning ko'rsatmalarida bunday harakatga yo'l qo'yilmasa, mustaqillikni e'lon qilish uchun ovoz berolmadi.^[30] Darhaqiqat, bir nechta koloniyalar o'z delegatlariga Buyuk Britaniyadan ajralib chiqish uchun biron bir qadam tashlashni taqiqladilar, boshqa delegatsiyalar esa bu borada noaniq ko'rsatmalarga ega edilar;^[31] Binobarin, mustaqillik tarafdorlari Kongress ko'rsatmalarini qayta ko'rib chiqishga intildilar. Kongress mustaqilligini e'lon qilishi uchun ko'pchilik delegatsiyalar unga ovoz berish huquqiga ega bo'lishi kerak va kamida bitta mustamlakachi hukumat o'z delegatsiyasiga Kongressda mustaqillik deklaratsiyasini taklif qilishni maxsus topshirishi kerak. 1776 yil aprel va iyul oylari orasida "murakkab siyosiy urush"^[32] buni amalga oshirish uchun olib borilgan.^[33]

Ko'rsatmalar qayta ko'rib chiqilmoqda

Kongressning ko'rsatmalarini qayta ko'rib chiqish kampaniyasida ko'plab amerikaliklar rasmiy ravishda mustaqillik to'g'risidagi davlat va mahalliy deklaratsiyalarda Buyuk Britaniyadan ajralib chiqishni qo'llab-quvvatladilar. Tarixchi Polin Mayer 1776 yilning aprelidan iyul oyigacha o'n uchta koloniyada e'lon qilingan to'qsondan ortiq bunday deklaratsiyalarni aniqlaydi.^[34] Ushbu "deklaratsiyalar" turli shakllarda bo'lgan. Ba'zilari Kongress delegatsiyalari uchun rasmiy yozma ko'rsatmalar edi, masalan Galifaks hal qiladi Shimoliy Karolina o'z delegatlariga mustaqillik uchun ovoz berishga aniq vakolat bergan birinchi mustamlaka bo'lgan 12 aprel kuni.^[35] Boshqalari Buyuk Britaniyaning individual mustamlakalarida hukmronligini rasman tugatgan qonunchilik hujjatlari edi, masalan, Rod-Aylend qonun chiqaruvchisi 4 may kuni Buyuk Britaniyaga sodiqligidan voz kechdi - buni amalga oshirgan birinchi koloniya.^[36][37] Ko'pgina "deklaratsiyalar" shahar yoki tuman yig'ilishlarida mustaqillikni qo'llab-quvvatlashni taklif qilgan qarorlar edi. Ularning bir nechtasi hakamlar hay'ati ko'rsatmalari shaklida, masalan, 1776 yil 23 aprelda Bosh sudyaning bayonoti kabi kelgan Uilyam Genri Dreyton Janubiy Karolina shtati: "er qonuni menga ... buni e'lon qilish huquqini beradi Jorj Uchinchisi, Qirol Buyuk Britaniya ... bizning ustidan hech qanday hokimiyatga ega emas va biz unga itoat qilishimiz shart emas. "^[38] Ushbu deklaratsiyalarning aksariyati hozirda noaniq bo'lib, 2 iyulda Kongress tomonidan tasdiqlangan va 4 iyulda imzolangan deklaratsiyaga soya solgan.^[39]

Ba'zi mustamlakalar mustaqillikni qo'llab-quvvatlashdan tiyilib qolishdi. Qarshilik markazda joylashgan o'rta koloniyalar Nyu-York, Nyu-Jersi, Merilend, Pensilvaniya va Delaver shtatlari.^[40] Mustaqillik tarafdorlari Pensilvaniyani kalit sifatida ko'rdilar; agar bu mustamlaka mustaqillik tarafdoriga aylantirilishi mumkin bo'lsa, boshqalari unga ergashadi deb ishonishgan.^[40] Biroq, 1 may kuni mustaqillik muxoliflari Pensilvaniya assambleyasi mustaqillik masalasiga bag'ishlangan maxsus saylovlarda.^[41] Bunga javoban Kongress 10 may kuni Jon Adams va tomonidan ilgari surilgan qaror qabul qildi Richard Genri Li, "uchun etarli hukumatsiz" koloniyalarni chaqirish eksigentsiyalar ularning ishlari to'g'risida "yangi hukumatlarni qabul qilish.^[42] Qaror bir ovozdan qabul qilindi va hatto Pensilvaniya tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlandi Jon Dikkinson, bu uning koloniyasiga taalluqli emas deb hisoblagan Kongressdagi mustaqillikka qarshi fraksiya rahbari.^[43]

15 may preambula

Odatdagidek, Kongress a loyihasini ishlab chiqish uchun qo'mita tayinladi preambula qarorning maqsadini tushuntirish. Jon Adams muqaddimani yozdi, unda qirol Jorj yarashishni rad etgani va mustamlakalarga qarshi foydalanish uchun chet ellik yollanma askarlarni yollaganligi sababli, "aytilgan toj ostida har qanday hokimiyatni amalga oshirish butunlay bostirilishi kerak" deb aytilgan.^[45] Adamsning muqaddimasi Pensilvaniya va Merilend shtatlari hanuzgacha boshqarib kelinayotgan hukumatlar ag'darilishini rag'batlantirishga qaratilgan edi mulkiy boshqaruv.^[46] Kongress bir necha kunlik bahslardan so'ng 15-may kuni muqaddimani qabul qildi, ammo to'rtta o'rta koloniya unga qarshi ovoz berdi va Merilend delegatsiyasi norozilik sifatida chiqib ketdi.^[47] Adams o'zining 15-maydagi preambulasini Amerika mustaqilligi to'g'risidagi deklaratsiya deb bildi, ammo rasmiy deklaratsiya qilinishi kerak edi.^[48]

Lining qarori

Kongress Adamsning radikal preambulasini qabul qilgan o'sha kuni Virjiniya konvensiyasi Kongressning mustaqil ravishda rasmiy deklaratsiyasi uchun zamin yaratdi. 15 may kuni Konventsiya Virjiniya kongressi delegatsiyasiga "ushbu hurmatli organga Buyuk Britaniyaning tojiga yoki parlamentiga har qanday sodiqlik yoki qaramlikdan ozod bo'lgan Birlashgan mustamlakalarni erkin va mustaqil davlatlar deb e'lon qilishni taklif qilish to'g'risida" ko'rsatma berdi.^[49] Ushbu ko'rsatmalarga muvofiq, Richard Genri Li a Virginia taqdim etdi uch qismli rezolyutsiya 7 iyun kuni Kongressga.^[50] Jon Adams bu taklifni qo'llab-quvvatladi va Kongressni mustaqillikni e'lon qilishga, chet el ittifoqlarini tuzishga va mustamlakachilar konfederatsiyasi rejasini tayyorlashga chaqirdi. Qarorning mustaqillikni e'lon qilish bilan bog'liq qismi quyidagicha o'qilgan:

Ushbu Birlashgan koloniyalar erkin va mustaqil davlatlar ekanligi, Britaniya tojiga sodiqlikdan mahrum bo'lganligi va ular bilan Buyuk Britaniya davlati o'rtasidagi barcha siyosiy aloqalar mavjudligi va bo'lishi kerakligi to'g'risida qaror qabul qilindi. butunlay erigan bo'lishi.^[51]

Li qarori keyingi bahsda qarshilikka duch keldi. Qarorning muxoliflari Buyuk Britaniya bilan yarashish ehtimoli yo'qligini, shu bilan birga mustaqillikni e'lon qilish erta ekanligini va tashqi yordamni ta'minlash birinchi o'ringa qo'yilishi kerakligini ta'kidladilar.^[52] Rezolyutsiya himoyachilari chet el hukumatlari Buyuk Britaniyaning ichki kurashiga aralashmaydi, shuning uchun chet el yordami berilishidan oldin mustaqillikni rasmiy e'lon qilish kerak edi. Kongressning talab qilishicha, "allaqachon mavjud bo'lgan haqiqatni e'lon qilish" kerak edi.^[53] Pensilvaniya, Delaver, Nyu-Jersi, Merilend va Nyu-Yorkdan kelgan delegatlar hali ham mustaqillik uchun ovoz berish huquqiga ega emas edilar, ammo ularning ba'zilari rezolyutsiya qabul qilinadigan bo'lsa Kongressni tark etish bilan tahdid qilishdi. Shu sababli Kongress 10 iyun kuni Li qarorini keyingi muhokamani uch haftaga qoldirish uchun ovoz berdi.^[54] O'sha vaqtga qadar Kongress Lining qarori iyul oyida qayta ko'rib chiqilganda ma'qullangan taqdirda, qo'mita mustaqillikni e'lon qiladigan va tushuntiradigan hujjat tayyorlashi kerak degan qarorga keldi.

Oxirgi surish

Franklin, Adams va Jeffersonning (chapdan o'ngga) bu ideallashtirilgan tasviri deklaratsiya ustida ishlash keng nashr qilindi (tomonidan Jan Leon Gerome Ferris, 1900).^[55]

Kongressning mustaqillik deklaratsiyasini qo'llab-quvvatlash 1776 yil iyun oyining so'nggi haftalarida birlashtirildi. 14 iyun kuni Konnektikut assambleyasi o'z delegatlariga mustaqillikni taklif qilishni buyurdi va ertasi kuni Nyu-Xempshir va Delaver qonun chiqaruvchilari o'z delegatlariga mustaqillik e'lon qilish huquqini berdilar.^[56] Pensilvaniya shtatida siyosiy kurashlar mustamlakachilar majlisining tarqatilishi va yangi qo'mitalar konferentsiyasi ostida tugadi Tomas MakKin Pensilvaniya delegatlariga 18 iyun kuni mustaqilligini e'lon qilish huquqini berdi.^[57] The Nyu-Jersining viloyat kongressi 1776 yil yanvaridan beri viloyatni boshqarib kelgan; ular buni 15 iyunda hal qilishdi Qirollik gubernatori Uilyam Franklin "bu mamlakat erkinliklari uchun dushman" bo'lgan va uni hibsga olgan.^[58] 21 iyun kuni ular Kongressga yangi delegatlarni tanladilar va ularga mustaqillik deklaratsiyasida ishtirok etish huquqini berdilar.^[59]

Faqatgina Merilend va Nyu-York shaharlarida iyun oxirigacha mustaqillikka ruxsat berilmagan edi. Ilgari, Merilend delegatlari Kontinental Kongress 15 may kuni Adamsning radikal preambulasini qabul qilganda chiqib ketishdi va Annapolis konvensiyasi ko'rsatmalar uchun.^[60] 20 may kuni Annapolis konventsiyasi Adamsning preambulasini rad etdi va o'z delegatlariga mustaqillikka qarshi turishni buyurdi. Ammo Shomuil Cheyz Merilendga bordi va mustaqillik tarafdorlari bo'lgan mahalliy qarorlar tufayli Annapolis konventsiyasini 28 iyun kuni o'z qarorini o'zgartirishga muvaffaq bo'ldi.^[61] Faqatgina Nyu-York delegatlari qayta ko'rib chiqilgan ko'rsatmalarni ololmadilar. Kongress 8 iyun kuni mustaqillik to'g'risidagi qarorni ko'rib chiqayotganda Nyu-York viloyat kongressi delegatlarga kutish kerakligini aytdi.^[62] Ammo 30-iyun kuni Viloyat Kongressi Britaniya kuchlari yaqinlashganda Nyu-Yorkni evakuatsiya qildi va 10-iyulgacha yana yig'ilishni istamadi, demak, Nyu-York delegatlari Kongress qaror qabul qilgunga qadar mustaqillik e'lon qilish vakolatiga ega bo'lmaydi.^[63]

Loyiha va qabul qilish

Qarorni tushuntirish uchun hujjat yozilayotganda ham siyosiy manevrlar mustaqillikni rasmiy ravishda e'lon qilish uchun zamin yaratdi. 1776 yil 11 iyunda Kongress "Besh kishilik qo'mitadan iborat deklaratsiya tayyorlash Jon Adams Massachusets shtati, Benjamin Franklin Pensilvaniya shtatidan, Tomas Jefferson Virjiniya shtati, Robert R. Livingston Nyu-York va Rojer Sherman Konnektikut. Qo'mita bir necha daqiqa vaqtni olmadi, shuning uchun loyihani tayyorlash jarayoni qanday davom etgani to'g'risida noaniqliklar mavjud; qarama-qarshi hisoblar ko'p yillar o'tib, Jefferson va Adams tomonidan yozilgan, juda ko'p yillar davomida ularni to'liq ishonchli deb hisoblash mumkin emas edi - garchi ularning hisoblari tez-tez keltirilgan bo'lsa ham.^[64] Ishonchli narsa shundaki, qo'mita hujjat amal qilishi kerak bo'lgan umumiy sxemani muhokama qildi va Jefferson birinchi loyihani yozishga qaror qildi.^[65] Umuman qo'mita va xususan Jefferson Adams hujjatni yozishi kerak deb o'ylar edi, ammo Adams ularni Jeffersonni tanlashga ishontirdi va u bilan shaxsan maslahatlashishga va'da berdi.^[2] Adams ham Jeffersonga ozgina ichimliklar berib ishontirdi. Jefferson uni yozishdan biroz asabiylashdi, shuning uchun Adams uni ichimliklar bilan tinchlantirdi.^[66] Kongressning bandligini hisobga olib, Jefferson keyingi 17 kun ichida yozish uchun cheklangan vaqtga ega bo'lgan va ehtimol u loyihani tezda yozgan.^[67] Keyin u boshqalar bilan maslahatlashib, bir oz o'zgartirish kiritdi va shu o'zgarishlarni o'z ichiga olgan yana bir nusxasini chiqardi. Qo'mita ushbu nusxani 1776 yil 28 iyunda Kongressga taqdim etdi. Hujjatning nomi "Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari vakillarining umumiy Kongressda e'lon qilingan deklaratsiyasi" edi.^[68]

Jefferson Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasini tuzishda va yozishda ishlatgan ko'chma yozuv stoli

Kongress loyihani "stol ustida yotish" ni buyurdi^[69] va keyin keyingi ikki kun davomida Jeffersonning asosiy hujjatini uslubiy ravishda tahrir qildi, uni to'rtinchi qismga qisqartirdi, keraksiz so'zlarni olib tashladi va jumla tuzilishini yaxshiladi.^[70] Ular Jeffersonning qirol Jorj III majburlagan degan da'vosini olib tashlashdi qullik koloniyalarga,^[71] hujjatni mo''tadil qilish va Janubiy Karolina va Jorjiya shtatlaridagi odamlarni tinchlantirish uchun, unda muhim ishtirok etgan ikkala shtat qul savdosi. Keyinchalik Jefferson o'zining tarjimai holida Shimoliy shtatlar ham ushbu bandlarni olib tashlashni qo'llab-quvvatlaganligini yozdi, "chunki ularning xalqi o'zlarining qullari juda oz bo'lsa-da, ular boshqalarga ularni etkazib beruvchisi bo'lishgan".^[72] Jeffersonning yozishicha, Kongress o'zining loyihasini "manglay" qilgan, ammo nihoyat e'lon qilingan Deklaratsiya o'zining biografining so'zlari bilan aytganda "zamondoshlarga ham, avlodlarga ham ilhom bergan ulug'vor hujjat" edi. Jon Ferling.^[70]

Kongress deklaratsiya loyihasini 1-iyul, dushanba kuni muhokama qildi va o'zini a-ga hal qildi butun qo'mita, bilan Benjamin Xarrison Virjiniya shtatida raislik qildi va ular Li mustaqilligi to'g'risida qaror qabul qilish bo'yicha munozaralarni davom ettirdilar.^[73] Jon Dikkinson qarorni kechiktirish uchun so'nggi harakatlarni amalga oshirdi va Kongress avval xorijiy ittifoqni ta'minlamay turib mustaqillikni e'lon qilmasligi kerak va Konfederatsiya moddalari.^[74] Jon Adams Dikkinsonga javoban nutq so'zladi va darhol deklaratsiya qilish uchun ishni qayta boshladi.

Ovoz uzoq kunlik nutqlardan so'ng qabul qilindi, har bir koloniya har doimgidek bitta ovoz berdi. Har bir koloniya uchun delegatsiya ikki kishidan etti a'zodan iborat edi va har bir delegatsiya koloniya ovozini aniqlash uchun o'zaro ovoz berishdi. Pensilvaniya va Janubiy Karolina mustaqillikni e'lon qilishga qarshi ovoz berishdi. Nyu-York delegatsiyasi mustaqillik uchun ovoz berish huquqiga ega bo'lmagan holda betaraf qoldi. Delaver shtati ovoz bermadi, chunki delegatsiya ikkiga bo'lingan edi Tomas MakKin, kim "ha" deb ovoz bergan va Jorj o'qidi, kim "yo'q" deb ovoz berdi. Qolgan to'qqizta delegatsiya mustaqillikni qo'llab-quvvatladilar, bu qaror butun qo'mita tomonidan ma'qullanganligini anglatadi. Keyingi qadam, rezolyutsiya Kongressning o'zi tomonidan ovozga qo'yilishi edi. Edvard Rutlid Janubiy Karolina shtati vakili Lining qaroriga qarshi chiqdi, ammo bir ovozdan ovoz berishni xohladi va u ovoz berishni keyingi kunga qoldirishga qaror qildi.^[75]

"Deklaratsiya uyi", Jefferson Deklaratsiya yozgan Market va S. 7-ko'chadagi rekonstruksiya qilingan pansionat

2-iyul kuni Janubiy Karolina o'z pozitsiyasini o'zgartirib, mustaqillik uchun ovoz berdi. Pensilvaniya delegatsiyasida Dikkinson va Robert Morris betaraf qoldi, bu delegatsiyaga mustaqillikning foydasiga uch-ikkitadan ovoz berishga imkon berdi. Delaver shtatidagi o'zaro kelishuv o'z vaqtida kelishi bilan buzildi Qaysar Rodni, mustaqillik uchun ovoz berganlar. Nyu-York delegatsiyasi yana bir bor betaraf qoldi, chunki ular hali ham mustaqillik uchun ovoz berish huquqiga ega emas edilar, garchi ularga bir hafta o'tgach, bunga ruxsat berilsa ham Nyu-York viloyat kongressi.^[76] Mustaqillik to'g'risidagi rezolyutsiya o'n ikki ijobiy ovoz va bitta betaraf ovoz bilan qabul qilindi va mustamlakalar Buyuk Britaniya bilan siyosiy aloqalarini rasmiy ravishda uzdilar.^[77] Jon Adams ertasi kuni xotiniga xat yozib, 2-iyul Amerikaning buyuk bayramiga aylanishini bashorat qilgan^[78] U mustaqillik uchun berilgan ovoz yodga olinadi, deb o'ylardi; u amerikaliklar buning o'rniga bayram qilishini oldindan bilmagan Mustaqillik kuni ushbu harakatni e'lon qilish tugagan sanada.^[79]

Men [Mustaqillik kuni] keyingi avlodlar tomonidan buyuk yubiley festivali sifatida nishonlanishiga ishonaman. Uni qutqarish kuni sifatida, Qodir Xudoga bag'ishlangan tantanali harakatlar bilan eslash kerak. Pomp va Parad bilan shou-shuhrat, o'yinlar, sport turlari, qurollar, qo'ng'iroqlar, gulxan va yoritgichlar bilan ushbu qit'aning bir chetidan ikkinchisiga shu vaqtgacha abadiy oldinga siljish kerak edi.^[80]

Kongress navbatdagi e'tiborini qo'mitaning deklaratsiya loyihasiga qaratdi. Ular bir necha kunlik bahs davomida so'zlarga bir nechta o'zgartirish kiritdilar va matnning deyarli to'rtdan bir qismini o'chirib tashladilar. Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasining mazmuni 1776 yil 4-iyulda tasdiqlangan va chop etish uchun printerga yuborilgan. Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasini chop etish uchun ishlatiladigan shriftning dizayneri ingliz o'yma ustasi va matbaa ustasi Uilyam Kaslon edi.^{[81][muhokama qilish]}

1776 yil 4 iyulda Jefferson nazorati ostida bosilgan Deklaratsiyaning asl nusxasining ochilishi. G'arq qilingan nusxa keyinchalik olingan (ushbu maqolaning yuqori qismida ko'rsatilgan). E'tibor bering, ochilish chiziqlari ikki versiya o'rtasida farq qiladi.^[82]

Deklaratsiyani ushbu keng miqyosda chop etish va yakuniy rasmiy muhrlangan nusxasidan matn tarkibida aniq o'zgarish mavjud. "Bir ovozdan" so'zi Kongressning 1776 yil 19-iyulda qabul qilingan qarori natijasida kiritilgan:

4-dekabrda qabul qilingan Deklaratsiya "O'n uchta Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining bir ovozdan e'lon qilinganligi" sarlavhasi va stili bilan pergamentga juda singib ketganligi to'g'risida qaror qabul qilindi va shu bilan qabul qilinganida Kongressning har bir a'zosi tomonidan imzolanadi. .^[83]

Tarixchi Jorj Billias shunday deydi:

Mustaqillik o'zaro bog'liqlikning yangi maqomini tashkil etdi: Qo'shma Shtatlar endi ushbu maqom bilan birga kelgan imtiyoz va mas'uliyatlarga ega bo'lgan suveren davlat edi. Shunday qilib, Amerika xalqaro hamjamiyatning a'zosiga aylandi, bu esa shartnomalar va ittifoqlar ishlab chiqaruvchisi, diplomatiyada harbiy ittifoqchi va tashqi savdoda teng huquqli sherik bo'lishni anglatardi.^[84]

Qabul qilingan deklaratsiyaning izohli matni

Deklaratsiya rasmiy bo'limlarga bo'linmaydi; ammo u ko'pincha besh qismdan iborat bo'lib muhokama qilinadi: kirish, preambula, ayblov xulosasi qirol Jorj III ning, denonsatsiya Britaniya xalqi va xulosa.^[85]

Influences and legal status

English political philosopher Jon Lokk (1632–1704)

Historians have often sought to identify the sources that most influenced the words and siyosiy falsafa of the Declaration of Independence. By Jefferson's own admission, the Declaration contained no original ideas, but was instead a statement of sentiments widely shared by supporters of the American Revolution. As he explained in 1825:

Neither aiming at originality of principle or sentiment, nor yet copied from any particular and previous writing, it was intended to be an expression of the American mind, and to give to that expression the proper tone and spirit called for by the occasion.^[88]

Jefferson's most immediate sources were two documents written in June 1776: his own draft of the preamble of the Virjiniya Konstitutsiyasiva Jorj Meysonning loyihasi Virjiniya huquqlari deklaratsiyasi. Ideas and phrases from both of these documents appear in the Declaration of Independence.^[89] They were, in turn, directly influenced by the 1689 English Declaration of Rights, which formally ended the reign of Qirol Jeyms II.^[90] During the American Revolution, Jefferson and other Americans looked to the English Declaration of Rights as a model of how to end the reign of an unjust king.^[91] Shotlandiyalik Arbroath deklaratsiyasi (1320) and the Dutch Act of Abjuration (1581) have also been offered as models for Jefferson's Declaration, but these models are now accepted by few scholars.^[92]

Jefferson wrote that a number of authors exerted a general influence on the words of the Declaration.^[93] Ingliz siyosiy nazariyotchisi Jon Lokk is usually cited as one of the primary influences, a man whom Jefferson called one of "the three greatest men that have ever lived".^[94] In 1922, historian Karl L. Beker wrote, "Most Americans had absorbed Locke's works as a kind of political gospel; and the Declaration, in its form, in its phraseology, follows closely certain sentences in Locke's second treatise on government."^[95] The extent of Locke's influence on the American Revolution has been questioned by some subsequent scholars, however. Historian Ray Forrest Harvey argued in 1937 for the dominant influence of Swiss jurist Jean Jacques Burlamaqui, declaring that Jefferson and Locke were at "two opposite poles" in their political philosophy, as evidenced by Jefferson's use in the Declaration of Independence of the phrase "pursuit of happiness" instead of "property".^[96] Other scholars emphasized the influence of respublikachilik rather than Locke's klassik liberalizm.^[97] Tarixchi Garri Uills argued that Jefferson was influenced by the Shotlandiya ma'rifati, ayniqsa Frensis Xetcheson, rather than Locke,^[98] an interpretation that has been strongly criticized.^[99]

Legal historian John Phillip Reid has written that the emphasis on the political philosophy of the Declaration has been misplaced. The Declaration is not a philosophical tract about natural rights, argues Reid, but is instead a legal document—an ayblov xulosasi against King George for violating the constitutional rights of the colonists.^[100] As such, it follows the process of the 1550 Magdeburg Confession, which legitimized resistance against Muqaddas Rim imperatori Charlz V in a multi-step legal formula now known as the doctrine of the Lesser magistrate.^[101] Tarixchi Devid Armitaj has argued that the Declaration was strongly influenced by de Vattel's Millatlar qonuni, dominant xalqaro huquq treatise of the period, and a book that Benjamin Franklin said was "continually in the hands of the members of our Congress".^[102] Armitage writes, "Vattel made independence fundamental to his definition of statehood"; therefore, the primary purpose of the Declaration was "to express the international legal sovereignty of the United States". If the United States were to have any hope of being recognized by the European powers, the American revolutionaries first had to make it clear that they were no longer dependent on Great Britain.^[103] The Declaration of Independence does not have the force of law domestically, but nevertheless it may help to provide historical and legal clarity about the Constitution and other laws.^{[104][105][106][107]}

Imzo

The signed copy of the Declaration is now badly faded because of poor preserving practices in the 19th century. U displeyda Milliy arxivlar yilda Vashington, Kolumbiya

The Sinx stendini sinxronlashtirish was used at both the signing of the Declaration and the 1787 signing of the U.S. Constitution, and is on display in Philadelphia

The Declaration became official when Congress voted for it on July 4; signatures of the delegates were not needed to make it official. The handwritten copy of the Declaration of Independence that was signed by Congress is dated July 4, 1776. The signatures of fifty-six delegates are affixed; however, the exact date when each person signed it has long been the subject of debate. Jefferson, Franklin, and Adams all wrote that the Declaration had been signed by Congress on July 4.^[108] But in 1796, signer Tomas MakKin disputed that the Declaration had been signed on July 4, pointing out that some signers were not then present, including several who were not even elected to Congress until after that date.^[109]

The Declaration was transposed on paper, adopted by the Continental Congress, and signed by Jon Xenkok, President of the Congress, on July 4, 1776, according to the 1911 record of events by the AQSh Davlat departamenti kotib ostida Filander C. Noks.^[110] On August 2, 1776, a parchment paper copy of the Declaration was signed by 56 persons.^[110] Many of these signers were not present when the original Declaration was adopted on July 4.^[110] Imzo chekuvchi Metyu Tornton dan Nyu-Xempshir was seated in the Continental Congress in November; he asked for and received the privilege of adding his signature at that time, and signed on November 4, 1776.^[110]

On July 4, 1776, Continental Congress President Jon Xenkok's signature authenticated the United States Declaration of Independence.

Historians have generally accepted McKean's version of events, arguing that the famous signed version of the Declaration was created after July 19, and was not signed by Congress until August 2, 1776.^[111] In 1986, legal historian Wilfred Ritz argued that historians had misunderstood the primary documents and given too much credence to McKean, who had not been present in Congress on July 4.^[112] According to Ritz, about thirty-four delegates signed the Declaration on July 4, and the others signed on or after August 2.^[113] Historians who reject a July 4 signing maintain that most delegates signed on August 2, and that those eventual signers who were not present added their names later.^[114]

Two future U.S. presidents were among the signatories: Thomas Jefferson and John Adams. The most famous signature on the g'amgin copy is that of Jon Xenkok, who presumably signed first as Kongress prezidenti.^[115] Hancock's large, flamboyant signature became iconic, and the term Jon Xenkok emerged in the United States as an informal synonym for "signature".^[116] A commonly circulated but apocryphal account claims that, after Hancock signed, the delegate from Massachusetts commented, "The British ministry can read that name without spectacles." Another apocryphal report indicates that Hancock proudly declared, "There! I guess King George will be able to read that!"^[117]

Various legends emerged years later about the signing of the Declaration, when the document had become an important national symbol. In one famous story, John Hancock supposedly said that Congress, having signed the Declaration, must now "all hang together", and Benjamin Franklin replied: "Yes, we must indeed all hang together, or most assuredly we shall all hang separately." The quotation did not appear in print until more than fifty years after Franklin's death.^[118]

The Sinx stendini sinxronlashtirish used at the signing was also used at the signing of the United States Constitution in 1787.

Nashr va reaktsiya

Yoxannes Adam Simon Oertelrasm Pulling Down the Statue of King George III, N.Y.C., taxminan 1859, depicts citizens destroying a statue of King George after the Declaration was read in New York City on July 9, 1776.

After Congress approved the final wording of the Declaration on July 4, a handwritten copy was sent a few blocks away to the printing shop of Jon Dunlap. Through the night, Dunlap printed about 200 keng tarqatish uchun. Soon, it was being read to audiences and reprinted in newspapers throughout the 13 states. The first formal public readings of the document took place on July 8, in Philadelphia (by Jon Nikson in the yard of Independence Hall), Trenton, Nyu-Jersiva Easton, Pensilvaniya; the first newspaper to publish it was the Pensilvaniya Evening Post 6-iyul kuni.^[119] A Nemis translation of the Declaration was published in Philadelphia by July 9.^[120]

President of Congress John Hancock sent a broadside to General Jorj Vashington, instructing him to have it proclaimed "at the Head of the Army in the way you shall think it most proper".^[121] Washington had the Declaration read to his troops in Nyu-York shahri on July 9, with thousands of British troops on ships in the harbor. Washington and Congress hoped that the Declaration would inspire the soldiers, and encourage others to join the army.^[119] After hearing the Declaration, crowds in many cities tore down and destroyed signs or statues representing royal authority. An equestrian statue of King George in New York City was pulled down and the lead used to make musket balls.^[122]

Uilyam Uipl, signer of the Declaration of Independence, manumitted his slave, believing that he could not both fight for liberty and own slaves.

One of the first readings of the Declaration by the British is believed to have taken place at the Rose and Crown Tavern kuni Staten oroli, Nyu-York huzurida General Xau.^[123] British officials in North America sent copies of the Declaration to Great Britain.^[124] It was published in British newspapers beginning in mid-August, it had reached Florence and Warsaw by mid-September, and a German translation appeared in Switzerland by October. The first copy of the Declaration sent to France got lost, and the second copy arrived only in November 1776.^[125] It reached Portuguese America by Brazilian medical student "Vendek" José Joaquim Maia e Barbalho, who had met with Thomas Jefferson in Nîmes.

The Spanish-American authorities banned the circulation of the Declaration, but it was widely transmitted and translated: by Venezuelan Manuel García de Sena, by Colombian Miguel de Pombo, by Ecuadorian Vicente Rocafuerte, and by New Englanders Richard Cleveland and William Shaler, who distributed the Declaration and the United States Constitution among Creoles in Chile and Indians in Mexico in 1821.^[126] The Shimoliy vazirlik did not give an official answer to the Declaration, but instead secretly commissioned pamphleteer Jon Lind to publish a response entitled Answer to the Declaration of the American Congress.^[127] British Tories denounced the signers of the Declaration for not applying the same principles of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" to African Americans.^[128] Tomas Xatchinson, the former royal governor of Massachusetts, also published a rebuttal.^[129][130] These pamphlets challenged various aspects of the Declaration. Hutchinson argued that the American Revolution was the work of a few conspirators who wanted independence from the outset, and who had finally achieved it by inducing otherwise loyal colonists to rebel.^[131] Lind's pamphlet had an anonymous attack on the concept of tabiiy huquqlar tomonidan yozilgan Jeremi Bentham, an argument that he repeated during the Frantsiya inqilobi.^[132] Both pamphlets questioned how the American slaveholders in Congress could proclaim that "all men are created equal" without freeing their own slaves.^[133]

Uilyam Uipl, a signer of the Declaration of Independence who had fought in the war, freed his slave Shahzoda Uipl because of his revolutionary ideals. In the postwar decades, other slaveholders also freed their slaves; from 1790 to 1810, the percentage of free blacks in the Upper South increased to 8.3 percent from less than one percent of the black population.^[134] Northern states began abolishing slavery shortly after the war for Independence began, and all had abolished slavery by 1804.

Later in 1776 a group of 547 Sodiqlar, asosan Nyu York, imzolangan Bog'liqlik to'g'risidagi deklaratsiya pledging their loyalty to the Crown.^[135]

Hujjatlar tarixi

The official copy of the Declaration of Independence was the one printed on July 4, 1776, under Jefferson's supervision. It was sent to the states and to the Army and was widely reprinted in newspapers. The slightly different "engrossed copy" (shown at the top of this article) was made later for members to sign. The engrossed version is the one widely distributed in the 21st century. Note that the opening lines differ between the two versions.^[82]

The copy of the Declaration that was signed by Congress is known as the engrossed or pergament nusxa ko'chirish. It was probably engrossed (that is, carefully handwritten) by clerk Timoti Matlak.^[136] A facsimile made in 1823 has become the basis of most modern reproductions rather than the original because of poor conservation of the engrossed copy through the 19th century.^[136] In 1921, custody of the engrossed copy of the Declaration was transferred from the Davlat departamenti uchun Kongress kutubxonasibilan birga Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Konstitutsiyasi. Keyin Yaponlarning Perl-Harborga hujumi in 1941, the documents were moved for safekeeping to the Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari zarbalari depozitariysi da Noks-Fort in Kentucky, where they were kept until 1944.^[137] In 1952, the engrossed Declaration was transferred to the Milliy arxivlar and is now on permanent display at the National Archives in the "Rotunda for the Ozodlik ustavlari".^[138]

Milliy arxivlar binosidagi "Ozodlik xartiyalari uchun Rotunda"

The document signed by Congress and enshrined in the National Archives is usually regarded as The Declaration of Independence, but historian Julian P. Boyd argued that the Declaration, like Magna Carta, is not a single document. Boyd considered the printed broadsides ordered by Congress to be official texts, as well. The Declaration was first published as a broadside that was printed the night of July 4 by Jon Dunlap Filadelfiya. Dunlap printed about 200 broadsides, of which 26 are known to survive. The 26th copy was discovered in Milliy arxiv in England in 2009.^[139]

In 1777, Congress commissioned Meri Ketrin Goddard chop etish a new broadside that listed the signers of the Declaration, unlike the Dunlap broadside.^[136][140] Nine copies of the Goddard broadside are known to still exist.^[140] A variety of broadsides printed by the states are also extant, including seven copies of the Solomon Southwick broadside, one of which was acquired by Sent-Luisdagi Vashington universiteti 2015 yilda.^[140][141]

Several early handwritten copies and drafts of the Declaration have also been preserved. Jefferson kept a four-page draft that late in life he called the "original Rough draught".^[142] It is not known how many drafts Jefferson wrote prior to this one, and how much of the text was contributed by other committee members. In 1947, Boyd discovered a fragment of an earlier draft in Jefferson's handwriting.^[143] Jefferson and Adams sent copies of the rough draft to friends, with slight variations.

During the writing process, Jefferson showed the rough draft to Adams and Franklin, and perhaps to other members of the drafting committee,^[142] who made a few more changes. Franklin, for example, may have been responsible for changing Jefferson's original phrase "We hold these truths to be sacred and undeniable" to "We hold these truths to be self-evident".^[144] Jefferson incorporated these changes into a copy that was submitted to Congress in the name of the committee.^[142] The copy that was submitted to Congress on June 28 has been lost and was perhaps destroyed in the printing process,^[145] or destroyed during the debates in accordance with Congress's secrecy rule.^[146]

On April 21, 2017, it was announced that a second engrossed copy had been discovered in the archives at G'arbiy Sasseks okrugi kengashi yilda Chichester, Angliya.^[147] Named by its finders the "Sussex Declaration", it differs from the National Archives copy (which the finders refer to as the "Matlack Declaration") in that the signatures on it are not grouped by States. How it came to be in England is not yet known, but the finders believe that the randomness of the signatures points to an origin with signatory Jeyms Uilson, who had argued strongly that the Declaration was made not by the States but by the whole people.^[148][149]

Years of exposure to damaging lighting would result in the original Declaration of Independence document having much of its ink fade by 1876.^[150][151]

Meros

The Declaration was given little attention in the years immediately following the American Revolution, having served its original purpose in announcing the independence of the United States.^[152] Erta bayramlari Mustaqillik kuni largely ignored the Declaration, as did early histories of the Revolution. The harakat qilish of declaring independence was considered important, whereas the matn announcing that act attracted little attention.^[153] The Declaration was rarely mentioned during the debates about the Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Konstitutsiyasi, and its language was not incorporated into that document.^[154] George Mason's draft of the Virjiniya huquqlari deklaratsiyasi was more influential, and its language was echoed in state constitutions and state bills of rights more often than Jefferson's words.^[155] "In none of these documents", wrote Pauline Maier, "is there any evidence whatsoever that the Declaration of Independence lived in men's minds as a classic statement of American political principles."^[156]

Boshqa mamlakatlarda ta'sir

Ning ko'plab rahbarlari Frantsiya inqilobi admired the Declaration of Independence^[156] but were also interested in the new American state constitutions.^[157] The inspiration and content of the French Inson va fuqaro huquqlarining deklaratsiyasi (1789) emerged largely from the ideals of the Amerika inqilobi.^[158] Lafayet prepared its key drafts, working closely in Paris with his friend Thomas Jefferson. It also borrowed language from Jorj Meyson"s Virjiniya huquqlari deklaratsiyasi.^[159][160] The declaration also influenced Rossiya imperiyasi, and it had a particular impact on the Dekabristlar qo'zg'oloni and other Russian thinkers.

Tarixchining fikriga ko'ra Devid Armitaj, the Declaration of Independence did prove to be internationally influential, but not as a statement of human rights. Armitage argues that the Declaration was the first in a new genre of declarations of independence which announced the creation of new states. Other French leaders were directly influenced by the text of the Declaration of Independence itself. The Manifesto of the Province of Flanders (1790) was the first foreign derivation of the Declaration;^[161] boshqalarga Venesuela mustaqilligi to'g'risidagi deklaratsiya (1811), the Liberiya mustaqilligi deklaratsiyasi (1847), the declarations of secession by the Amerika Konfederativ Shtatlari (1860–61), and the Vetnam mustaqilligining e'lon qilinishi (1945).^[162] These declarations echoed the United States Declaration of Independence in announcing the independence of a new state, without necessarily endorsing the political philosophy of the original.^[163]

Other countries have used the Declaration as inspiration or have directly copied sections from it. These include the Haitian declaration of January 1, 1804 during the Gaiti inqilobi, Yangi Granadaning birlashgan provinsiyalari in 1811, the Argentinaning mustaqillik deklaratsiyasi 1816 yilda Chili mustaqilligi deklaratsiyasi in 1818, Kosta-Rika 1821 yilda, Salvador 1821 yilda, Gvatemala 1821 yilda, Gonduras 1821 yilda, Mexico in 1821, Nikaragua 1821 yilda, Peru 1821 yilda, Boliviya mustaqillik urushi in 1825, Urugvay in 1825, Ekvador 1830 yilda, Kolumbiya 1831 yilda, Paragvay 1842 yilda, Dominika Respublikasi 1844 yilda, Texasning mustaqillik deklaratsiyasi in March 1836, Kaliforniya Respublikasi in November 1836, Vengriya mustaqilligi deklaratsiyasi 1849 yilda, Yangi Zelandiya mustaqilligining deklaratsiyasi in 1835, and the Chexoslovakiyaning mustaqilligini e'lon qilish from 1918 drafted in Washington D.C. with Gutzon Borglum among the drafters. The Rodeziya mustaqilligini e'lon qilish is based on the American one, as well, ratified in November 1965, although it omits the phrases "hamma erkaklar teng yaratilgan"va"boshqariladiganlarning roziligi".^{[126][164][165][166]} The South Carolina declaration of secession from December 1860 also mentions the U.S. Declaration of Independence, though it omits references to "all men are created equal" and "consent of the governed".

Qiziqishning tiklanishi

Interest in the Declaration was revived in the 1790s with the emergence of the United States's first political parties.^[167] Throughout the 1780s, few Americans knew or cared who wrote the Declaration.^[168] But in the next decade, Jefferson respublikachilari sought political advantage over their rival Federalistlar by promoting both the importance of the Declaration and Jefferson as its author.^[169] Federalists responded by casting doubt on Jefferson's authorship or originality, and by emphasizing that independence was declared by the whole Congress, with Jefferson as just one member of the drafting committee. Federalists insisted that Congress's act of declaring independence, in which Federalist John Adams had played a major role, was more important than the document announcing it.^[170] But this view faded away, like the Federalist Party itself, and, before long, the act of declaring independence became synonymous with the document.

A less partisan appreciation for the Declaration emerged in the years following the 1812 yilgi urush, thanks to a growing American nationalism and a renewed interest in the history of the Revolution.^[171] In 1817, Congress commissioned Jon Trumbull"s mashhur rasm of the signers, which was exhibited to large crowds before being installed in the Kapitoliy.^[172] The earliest commemorative printings of the Declaration also appeared at this time, offering many Americans their first view of the signed document.^[173] Collective biographies of the signers were first published in the 1820s,^[174] giving birth to what Garry Wills called the "cult of the signers".^[175] In the years that followed, many stories about the writing and signing of the document were published for the first time.

When interest in the Declaration was revived, the sections that were most important in 1776 were no longer relevant: the announcement of the independence of the United States and the grievances against King George. But the second paragraph was applicable long after the war had ended, with its talk of self-evident truths and unalienable rights.^[176] Konstitutsiya va Huquqlar to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi lacked sweeping statements about rights and equality, and advocates of groups with grievances turned to the Declaration for support.^[177] Starting in the 1820s, variations of the Declaration were issued to proclaim the rights of workers, farmers, women, and others.^[178] In 1848, for example, the Seneka sharsharasi konvensiyasi of women's rights advocates e'lon qilingan that "all men and women are created equal".^[179]

John Trumbull's Mustaqillik deklaratsiyasi (1817–1826)

Jon Trumbull"s famous 1818 painting is often identified as a depiction of the signing of the Declaration, but it actually shows the drafting committee presenting its work to the Congress.^[180]

Jon Trumbullrasm Mustaqillik deklaratsiyasi has played a significant role in popular conceptions of the Declaration of Independence. The painting is 12-by-18-foot (3.7 by 5.5 m) in size and was commissioned by the Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Kongressi in 1817; it has hung in the Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Kapitoliy Rotunda since 1826. It is sometimes described as the signing of the Declaration of Independence, but it actually shows the Besh kishilik qo'mita presenting their draft of the Declaration to the Ikkinchi qit'a Kongressi on June 28, 1776, and not the signing of the document, which took place later.^[181]

Trumbull painted the figures from life whenever possible, but some had died and images could not be located; hence, the painting does not include all the signers of the Declaration. One figure had participated in the drafting but did not sign the final document; another refused to sign. In fact, the membership of the Second Continental Congress changed as time passed, and the figures in the painting were never in the same room at the same time. It is, however, an accurate depiction of the room in Mustaqillik zali, the centerpiece of the Mustaqillik milliy tarixiy bog'i yilda Filadelfiya, Pensilvaniya.

Trumbull's painting has been depicted multiple times on U.S. currency and postage stamps. Its first use was on the teskari side of the $100 Milliy bank eslatmasi issued in 1863. A few years later, the po'latdan o'yma used in printing the bank notes was used to produce a 24-cent stamp, issued as part of the 1869 yil tasviriy son. An engraving of the signing scene has been featured on the reverse side of the Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining ikki dollarlik kupyurasi 1976 yildan beri.

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining ikki dollarlik kupyurasi (teskari)

Slavery and the Declaration

The apparent contradiction between the claim that "all men are created equal" and the existence of Qo'shma Shtatlardagi qullik attracted comment when the Declaration was first published. Jefferson had included a paragraph in his initial draft that asserted that King George III had forced the qul savdosi onto the colonies, but this was deleted from the final version.^[182][183] Jefferson himself was a prominent Virjiniya slaveowner, owning six hundred enslaved Africans on his Monticello plantatsiya.^[184] Referring to this contradiction, English abolitionist Tomas kuni wrote in a 1776 letter, "If there be an object truly ridiculous in nature, it is an American patriot, signing resolutions of independency with the one hand, and with the other brandishing a whip over his affrighted slaves."^[185] Afro-amerikalik yozuvchi Lemuel Xeyns expressed similar viewpoints in his essay "Liberty Further Extended," where he wrote that "Liberty is Equally as pre[c]ious to a Black man, as it is to a white one".^[186]

In the 19th century, the Declaration took on a special significance for the abolitionist movement. Tarixchi Bertram Vaytt-Braun wrote that "abolitionists tended to interpret the Declaration of Independence as a theological as well as a political document".^[187] Abolitionist leaders Benjamin Luni va Uilyam Lloyd Garrison adopted the "twin rocks" of "the Bible and the Declaration of Independence" as the basis for their philosophies. "As long as there remains a single copy of the Declaration of Independence, or of the Bible, in our land," wrote Garrison, "we will not despair."^[188] For radical abolitionists such as Garrison, the most important part of the Declaration was its assertion of the inqilob huquqi. Garrison called for the destruction of the government under the Constitution, and the creation of a new state dedicated to the principles of the Declaration.^[189]

The controversial question of whether to allow additional qullik davlatlari into the United States coincided with the growing stature of the Declaration. The first major public debate about slavery and the Declaration took place during the Missouri controversy of 1819 to 1821.^[190] Anti-slavery Congressmen argued that the language of the Declaration indicated that the Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining asoschilari had been opposed to slavery in principle, and so new slave states should not be added to the country.^[191] Pro-slavery Congressmen led by Senator Nataniel Makon of North Carolina argued that the Declaration was not a part of the Constitution and therefore had no relevance to the question.^[192]

With the abolitionist movement gaining momentum, defenders of slavery such as Jon Randolf va Jon C. Kalxun found it necessary to argue that the Declaration's assertion that "all men are created equal" was false, or at least that it did not apply to black people.^[193] During the debate over the Kanzas-Nebraska qonuni in 1853, for example, Senator Jon Pettit of Indiana argued that the statement "all men are created equal" was not a "self-evident truth" but a "self-evident lie".^[194] Opponents of the Kansas–Nebraska Act, including Salmon P. Chase va Benjamin Veyd, defended the Declaration and what they saw as its antislavery principles.^[195]

Lincoln and the Declaration

Kongressmen Avraam Linkoln,
1845–1846

The Declaration's relationship to slavery was taken up in 1854 by Avraam Linkoln, a little-known former Congressman who idolized the Founding Fathers.^[196] Lincoln thought that the Declaration of Independence expressed the highest principles of the American Revolution, and that the Founding Fathers had tolerated slavery with the expectation that it would ultimately wither away.^[9] For the United States to legitimize the expansion of slavery in the Kansas–Nebraska Act, thought Lincoln, was to repudiate the principles of the Revolution. In his October 1854 Peoriya nutqi, Lincoln said:

Nearly eighty years ago we began by declaring that all men are created equal; but now from that beginning we have run down to the other declaration, that for some men to enslave others is a "sacred right of self-government". ... Our republican robe is soiled and trailed in the dust. ... Let us repurify it. Let us re-adopt the Declaration of Independence, and with it, the practices, and policy, which harmonize with it. ... If we do this, we shall not only have saved the Union: but we shall have saved it, as to make, and keep it, forever worthy of the saving.^[197]

The meaning of the Declaration was a recurring topic in the taniqli bahslar between Lincoln and Stiven Duglas in 1858. Douglas argued that the phrase "all men are created equal" in the Declaration referred to white men only. The purpose of the Declaration, he said, had simply been to justify the independence of the United States, and not to proclaim the equality of any "inferior or degraded race".^[198] Lincoln, however, thought that the language of the Declaration was deliberately universal, setting a high moral standard to which the American republic should aspire. "I had thought the Declaration contemplated the progressive improvement in the condition of all men everywhere", he said.^[199] During the seventh and last joint debate with Steven Douglas at Alton, Illinois, on October 15, 1858, Lincoln said about the declaration:

I think the authors of that notable instrument intended to include all men, but they did not mean to declare all men equal in all respects. They did not mean to say all men were equal in color, size, intellect, moral development, or social capacity. They defined with tolerable distinctness in what they did consider all men created equal—equal in "certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." This they said, and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were then actually enjoying that equality, or yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit. They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society which should be familiar to all, constantly looked to, constantly labored for, and even, though never perfectly attained, constantly approximated, and thereby constantly spreading and deepening its influence, and augmenting the happiness and value of life to all people, of all colors, everywhere.^[200]

According to Pauline Maier, Douglas's interpretation was more historically accurate, but Lincoln's view ultimately prevailed. "In Lincoln's hands," wrote Maier, "the Declaration of Independence became first and foremost a living document" with "a set of goals to be realized over time".^[201]

Yoqdi Daniel Uebster, Jeyms Uilsonva Jozef hikoyasi before him, Lincoln argued that the Declaration of Independence was a founding document of the United States, and that this had important implications for interpreting the Constitution, which had been ratified more than a decade after the Declaration.^[203] The Constitution did not use the word "equality", yet Lincoln believed that the concept that "all men are created equal" remained a part of the nation's founding principles.^[204] He famously expressed this belief in the opening sentence of his 1863 Gettysburg manzili: "Four score and seven years ago [i.e. in 1776] our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal."

Linkolnniki view of the Declaration became influential, seeing it as a moral guide to interpreting the Constitution. "For most people now," wrote Garry Wills in 1992, "the Declaration means what Lincoln told us it means, as a way of correcting the Constitution itself without overthrowing it."^[205] Admirers of Lincoln such as Garri V. Yaffa praised this development. Critics of Lincoln, notably Uillmur Kendall va Mel Bredford, argued that Lincoln dangerously expanded the scope of the national government and violated davlatlarning huquqlari by reading the Declaration into the Constitution.^[206]

Women's suffrage and the Declaration

Elizabeth Cady Stanton and her two sons (1848)

In July 1848, the Seneka sharsharasi konvensiyasi bo'lib o'tdi Seneka sharsharasi, New York, the first women's rights convention. Tomonidan tashkil etilgan Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucretia Mott, Mary Ann McClintock, and Jane Hunt. They patterned their "Hissiyotlar deklaratsiyasi" on the Declaration of Independence, in which they demanded social and political equality for women. Their motto was that "All men va ayollar are created equal", and they demanded the right to vote.^[207][208]

Yigirmanchi asr va undan keyin

The Declaration was chosen to be the first digitized text (1971).^[209]

The Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasining 56 imzosiga bag'ishlangan yodgorlik was dedicated in 1984 in Konstitutsiya bog'lari ustida Milliy savdo markazi yilda Vashington, Kolumbiya, where the signatures of all the original signers are carved in stone with their names, places of residence, and occupations.

Yangi Bitta Jahon Savdo Markazi bino Nyu-York shahri (2014) is 1776 feet high to symbolize the year that the Declaration of Independence was signed.^{[210][211][212]}

Ommaviy madaniyat

Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasining qabul qilinishi 1969 yilgi Toni mukofotiga sazovor bo'lgan musiqiy asarda sahnalashtirilgan 1776 va 1972 yil film versiyasi, shuningdek, 2008 yilgi televizion mini-seriyalarda Jon Adams.^[213][214] 1970 yilda, 5-o'lchov o'zlarining albomida Deklaratsiyaning ochilishini qayd etishdi Portret "Deklaratsiya" qo'shig'ida. Bu birinchi bo'lib ijro etilgan Ed Sallivan shousi 1969 yil 7-dekabrda va Vetnam urushiga qarshi norozilik qo'shig'i sifatida qabul qilindi.^[215] Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasi - 2004 yildagi Amerika filmidagi syujet qurilmasi Milliy xazina.^[216] Vafotidan keyin Pol Xarvi, Focus Today nashri Xarvining Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasini imzolaganlarning barchasi hayoti haqida so'zlagan "klipini" namoyish etdi.^[217]

Shuningdek qarang

• Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining mustaqillik deklaratsiyasining shikoyatlari

Adabiyotlar

Bibliografiya

Tashqi havolalar

• "Sabablarini e'lon qiling: Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasi" 9-12 sinflar uchun Milliy Gumanitar Xayriya Jamg'armasidan dars rejasi
• Milliy arxivda mustaqillik deklaratsiyasi
• Kongress kutubxonasida mustaqillik deklaratsiyasi
• Mobil aloqa vositalariga asoslangan Mustaqillik deklaratsiyasi