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Konrad Adenauer
Boshqa maqsadlar uchun qarang Konrad Adenauer (ajralish).

Konrad Adenauer
Bundesarchiv B 145 Bild-F078072-0004, Konrad Adenauer.jpg
1952 yilda Adenauer
Germaniya Federativ Respublikasi kansleri
(G'arbiy Germaniya)
Ofisda
1949 yil 15 sentyabr - 1963 yil 11 oktyabr[1]
Prezident
Vitse-kantsler
OldingiOfis tashkil etildi
MuvaffaqiyatliLyudvig Erxard
Federal tashqi ishlar vaziri
Ofisda
1951 yil 15 mart - 1955 yil 6 iyun
KantslerO'zi
OldingiOfis tashkil etildi
MuvaffaqiyatliGeynrix fon Brentano
Xristian-demokratik ittifoqining rahbari
Ofisda
1950 yil 21 oktyabr - 1966 yil 23 mart[a]
Bundestag rahbari
OldingiOfis tashkil etildi
MuvaffaqiyatliLyudvig Erxard
Parlament kengashi prezidenti
Ofisda
1948 yil 1 sentyabr - 1949 yil 23 may
OldingiOfis tashkil etildi
MuvaffaqiyatliOfis bekor qilindi
Köln meri
Ofisda
1945 yil 4 may - 1945 yil 6 oktyabr
OldingiVilli Sut
MuvaffaqiyatliVilli Sut
Ofisda
1917 yil 13 oktyabr - 1933 yil 13 mart
OldingiMaks Uolraf
MuvaffaqiyatliGyunter Rizen
Prussiya davlat kengashi prezidenti
Ofisda
1921 yil 7 may - 1933 yil 26 aprel
Vazir Prezident
OldingiOfis qayta tiklandi
MuvaffaqiyatliRobert Ley
A'zosi Bundestag
uchun Bonn
Ofisda
1949 yil 7 sentyabr - 1967 yil 19 aprel
OldingiOkrug tashkil etildi
MuvaffaqiyatliAlo Xauzer
Shaxsiy ma'lumotlar
Tug'ilgan
Konrad Hermann Jozef Adenauer

(1876-01-05)5-yanvar 1876 yil
Kyoln, Reyn viloyati, Prussiya qirolligi, Germaniya imperiyasi
O'ldi19 aprel 1967 yil(1967-04-19) (91 yosh)
Yomon Honnef, Reyn-Zig-Kreyz, Shimoliy Reyn-Vestfaliya, G'arbiy Germaniya
Dam olish joyiValdfridxof ("O'rmon qabristoni"), Rendorf
Siyosiy partiya
Turmush o'rtoqlar
  • Emma Veyer (1904-1916)
  • Ogyust Zinsser (1919–1948)
Bolalar8
Olma mater
Imzo

Konrad Hermann Jozef Adenauer (Nemischa: [ˈKɔnʁaːt ˈʔaːdənaʊɐ] (Ushbu ovoz haqidatinglang); 1876 ​​yil 5-yanvar - 1967 yil 19-aprel) birinchi bo'lib xizmat qilgan nemis davlat arbobi Kantsler Germaniya Federativ Respublikasi (G'arbiy Germaniya1949 yildan 1963 yilgacha. U asoschilaridan biri va birinchi rahbari Xristian-demokratik ittifoqi (CDU) (1966 yilgacha), a Xristian-demokrat uning rahbarligidagi partiya mamlakatdagi eng nufuzli partiyalardan biriga aylandi.

Federal Respublikaning dastlabki yillarida u e'tiborni boshqa joyga qaratdi denazifikatsiya tiklanishiga va o'z mamlakatini Ikkinchi Jahon urushi xarobalaridan Frantsiya, Buyuk Britaniya va Qo'shma Shtatlar bilan yaqin aloqalarni o'rnatgan samarali va farovon davlatga aylanishiga olib keldi.[2] G'arbiy Germaniya hokimiyat yillarida demokratiya, barqarorlik, xalqaro hurmat va iqtisodiy farovonlikka erishdi (")Wirtschaftswunder", Nemischa" iqtisodiy mo''jiza "uchun).[3]

Adenauer o'zining yoshini o'zining qattiq mehnat odatlari va g'ayritabiiy siyosiy instinkti bilan inkor etdi. U keng ko'lamli qarashga qat'iy bag'ishlandi bozorasoslangan liberal demokratiya va antikommunizm. Aqlli siyosatchi Adenauer G'arbga yo'naltirilgan tashqi siyosat va G'arbiy Germaniyaning jahon miqyosidagi o'rnini tiklash. U tiklash uchun ishlagan G'arbiy Germaniya iqtisodiyoti Ikkinchi Jahon urushi yo'q qilinishidan boshlab Evropada markaziy mavqega qadar raislik qilmoqda Germaniya iqtisodiy mo''jizasi uning iqtisodiyot vaziri bilan birgalikda, Lyudvig Erxard. U milliy harbiy kuchlarni tiklashda harakatlantiruvchi kuch edi Bundesver) 1955 yildan beri G'arbiy Germaniyada. Adenauer raqibiga qarshi chiqdi Sharqiy Germaniya va o'z millatini a'zosi qildi NATO va G'arbiy Ittifoq a'zosi.

87 yoshigacha kansler bo'lgan Adenauer "Der Alte" ("oqsoqol") deb nomlangan. Britaniyalik siyosatchi va tarixchi Roy Jenkins u "hozirgacha saylangan lavozimda faoliyat yuritgan eng keksa davlat arbobi" bo'lganini aytadi. U yirik mamlakat uchun eng keksa hukumat rahbari bo'lib qolmoqda.[4]

Dindor Rim katolik va katolik a'zosi Markaz partiyasi, u etakchi siyosatchi edi Veymar Respublikasisifatida xizmat qiladi Köln meri (1917-1933) va prezident sifatida Prussiya davlat kengashi (1922–1933).

Köln yillari

Dastlabki hayot va ta'lim

Konrad Adenauer (1896)

Konrad Adenauer Iogann Konrad Adenauer (1833–1906) va uning rafiqasi Xelenening (Farishta Sharfenberg; 1849–1919) besh farzandidan uchinchisi sifatida tug'ilgan. Kyoln, Reniya Prussiyasi, 1876 yil 5-yanvarda.[5] Uning aka-ukalari avgust (1872-1952), Yoxannes (1873-1937), Lilli (1879-1950) va Elisabet bo'lib, ular v.da tug'ilganidan ko'p o'tmay vafot etishgan. 1880. Adenauer yoshligining shakllantiruvchi ta'sirlaridan biri bu Kulturkampf, ota-onasi unga tegishli bo'lganidek, unga umrbod yoqtirmaslikni qoldirdi "Prussizm", va uni 19-asrning boshqa katolik Reynlanderlari singari chuqur xafa qilishga undagan ReynlandPrussiyaga qo'shilish.[6]

1894 yilda u o'zining ishini yakunladi Abitur universitetlarida huquq va siyosatni o'rganishni boshladi Frayburg, Myunxen va Bonn. 1896 yilda, 20 yoshida, u uchun yig'ilgan Prussiya armiyasi, ammo bolalikdan beri boshdan kechirgan surunkali nafas olish muammolari tufayli fizikaviy imtihondan o'tmadi. U bir nechta a'zo edi Rim katolik qoshidagi talabalar birlashmalari K.St.V. Armiya Bonn Bonnda. U 1900 yilda bitirgan,[5] keyinchalik Köln sudida advokat bo'lib ishlagan.[7]

Kölndagi etakchi

Yilda Wilhelmshaven 1928 yilda, qachon a yangi kreyser nomi berilgan Kyoln (Köln), uy Adenauer shahri (o'rtada, chap qo'l ko'rinadigan, yonida general-leytenant) Wilhelm Groener va Gustav Noske)
Geynrix Xerl: Zaytgenossen (zamondoshlar). 1931 yil zamonaviyist rassomlar va bokschi bilan birgalikda shahar meri Adenauer (kul rangda) bilan rasm chizish.

U dindor katolik sifatida u bilan qo'shildi Markaz partiyasi (Nemis: Deutsche Zentrumspartei yoki shunchaki Zentrum) 1906 yilda va o'sha yili Kyoln shahar kengashiga saylangan. 1909 yilda u 1914 yilda aholisi 635 ming kishini tashkil etgan sanoat metropoliya - Köln vitse-meri bo'ldi. Adenauer o'zining ko'p avlodlarini jalb qilgan o'ta siyosiy harakatlardan qochib, burjua odob-axloqi, mehnatsevarligi, tartibiga, xristian axloqi va qadriyatlariga sodiq qoldi. va tartibsizlik, samarasizlik, mantiqsizlik va siyosiy axloqsizlikni yo'q qilishga bag'ishlangan edi.[8] 1917 yildan 1933 yilgacha u Köln meri bo'lib ishlagan va uning a'zosi bo'lgan Prussiya lordlar palatasi.

Adenauer davomida Kölnni boshqargan Birinchi jahon urushi, G'arbiy front uchun ta'minot va transportning orqa bazasi sifatida shahar rolini maksimal darajada oshirish uchun armiya bilan yaqin hamkorlik qilish. U fuqarolarning oziq-ovqat ta'minotiga alohida e'tibor qaratdi, bu esa aholiga 1918-19 yillarda Germaniyaning aksariyat shaharlarini qamrab olgan qattiq tanqisliklarning eng dahshatlilaridan qochishga imkon berdi.[9] 1918 yil oxirida eski tuzum qulashi va inqilob tahdidi va keng tarqalgan tartibsizliklar oldida Adenauer sotsial-demokratlar bilan yaxshi ish munosabatlaridan foydalanib Kölnda nazoratni saqlab qoldi. 1919 yil 1 fevralda qilgan nutqida Adenauer Prussiyani tarqatib yuborishni va Prussiya Reynlandiyasini yangi avtonomga aylantirishni talab qildi. Er (davlat) Reyx.[10] Adenauer bu Frantsiyaning Reynlandiyani qo'shib olishiga yo'l qo'ymaslikning yagona yo'li deb da'vo qildi.[10] Ikkalasi ham Reyx va Prussiya hukumatlari Adenauerning Prussiyani parchalash rejalariga qarshi edi.[11] Qachonki shartlari Versal shartnomasi 1919 yil iyun oyida Germaniyaga taqdim etildi, Adenauer yana Berlinga avtonom Reynland davlati haqidagi rejasini taklif qildi va yana uning rejalari rad etildi Reyx hukumat.[12]

U urushdan keyingi Angliya istilosi davrida meri bo'lgan. U Buyuk Britaniyaning harbiy ma'murlari bilan yaxshi ishbilarmonlik aloqalarini o'rnatdi, ulardan foydalanib shaharning chap qanoti uchun muqobil hokimiyat bazasiga aylangan ishchilar va askarlar kengashini zararsizlantirish uchun ishlatdi.[13] Davomida Veymar Respublikasi, u Prussiya davlat kengashining prezidenti edi (Nemis: Preußischer Staatsrat) ning vakili bo'lgan 1921–33 yillarda Prussiya viloyatlari uning qonun chiqaruvchi organida. Ichida katta munozaralar bo'lib o'tdi Zentrum 1906 yildan beri Zentrum "minoradan chiqib ketishi" kerak (ya'ni protestantlarning ko'p dinli partiyaga aylanishiga ruxsat berish) yoki "minorada qolish" (ya'ni katoliklarga xos partiya bo'lishni davom ettirish). Adenauer "minoradan chiqib ketish" ning etakchi tarafdorlaridan biri bo'lgan va bu Kardinal bilan dramatik to'qnashuvga sabab bo'lgan. Maykl fon Folxaber 1922 yilda Katholikentag, bu erda kardinal Adenauerni olishni istaganligi uchun ommaviy ravishda ogohlantirdi Zentrum "minoradan".[14]

1923 yil oktyabr o'rtalarida kantsler Gustav Stresemann Berlin Reynlandga barcha moliyaviy to'lovlarni to'xtatishini va yangi ekanligini e'lon qildi Rentenmark, bu endi befoyda o'rnini egallagan Mark Reynda aylanmasdi.[15] Reynlandiya iqtisodiyotini saqlab qolish uchun Adenauer Frantsiya Oliy komissari bilan muzokaralarni boshladi Pol Tirard 1923 yil oktyabr oyi oxirida Rena respublikasi uchun Adenauer "buyuk dizayn" deb atagan Frantsiya-Germaniya yarashuviga erishadigan Frantsiya bilan qandaydir iqtisodiy birlashma.[16] Shu bilan birga, Adenauer bu umidga yopishdi Rentenmark hali ham Reynda aylanishi mumkin. Adenauerning "buyuk dizayni" ga qat'iy qarshi bo'lgan, uni chegara xiyonati deb bilgan Stresemann o'zi inqirozni tugatish bo'yicha muzokaralar olib borishi bilan Adenauerning rejalari puchga chiqdi.[16]

1926 yilda Zentrum Adenauerga kantsler bo'lishni taklif qildi, bu taklif unga qiziqqan, ammo oxir-oqibat rad etilganida Germaniya Xalq partiyasi Adenauer boshchiligidagi koalitsiyaga kirishish shartlaridan biri shu ekanligini ta'kidladi Gustav Stresemann tashqi ishlar vaziri lavozimida qoling.[17] Stresemannni "o'ta prussiyalik" deb yoqtirmagan Adenauer bu shartni rad etdi, bu uning 1926 yilda kansler bo'lish imkoniyatini tugatganligini aytdi.[18]

Natsistlar hukumati boshqargan yillar

Natsistlar partiyasi nomzodlarining 1930 va 1932 yillarda bo'lib o'tgan shahar, shtat va milliy saylovlardagi yutuqlari juda muhim edi. Adenauer, Köln meri va Prussiya Davlat kengashining prezidenti sifatida, hali ham milliy iqtisodiyotni takomillashtirish uning strategiyasini amalga oshiradi: fashistlarni e'tiborsiz qoldiring va kommunistik tahdidga e'tiboringizni qarating. Adenauer fashistlar Prussiya va Reyx saylovlar natijalariga asoslangan hukumatlar, hatto u allaqachon kuchli shaxsiy hujumlar nishonida bo'lganida ham.[19] Qarish atrofidagi siyosiy manevrlar Prezident Xindenburg keyin olib keldi Natsistlar 1933 yil 30-yanvarda hokimiyat tepasiga.

Fevral oyining boshlarida Adenauer nihoyat barcha munozaralar va natsistlar bilan murosaga kelish urinishlari befoyda ekanligini tushundi. Kyoln shahar kengashi va Prussiya parlamenti tarqatib yuborilgan edi; 1933 yil 4-aprelda u rasman shahar hokimi lavozimidan bo'shatildi va bankdagi hisob raqamlari muzlatib qo'yildi. "Unda na pul, na uy va na ish bor edi."[20] Oilasining xavfsizligini ta'minlashdan so'ng, u Benediktin monastiri abbatiga murojaat qildi Mariya Laach bir necha oy qolish uchun. Ga binoan Albert Sper uning kitobida Spandau: Yashirin kundaliklar, Gitler Adenauerga hayratini bildirib, uning fuqarolik loyihalari, shaharni aylanib o'tish yo'li sifatida aylanadigan yo'l qurilishi va bog'larning "yashil kamari" ni qayd etdi. Biroq, Gitler ham, Shpeyer ham Adenauerning siyosiy qarashlari va tamoyillari uning fashistlar Germaniyasida biron bir rol o'ynashi mumkin emas degan xulosaga kelishdi.

Shundan so'ng Adenauer ikki kunga qamaldi Uzoq pichoqlar kechasi 1934 yil 30-iyunda; ammo, 1934 yil 10-avgustda nafaqasini olish uchun manevr qilib, unga o'n sahifali xat yozdi Hermann Göring (Prussiya ichki ishlar vaziri). U shahar hokimi sifatida u NSDAP tadbirlarini jamoat binolarida va fashistlarning bayroqlarini shahar bayroqchalaridan olib chiqishga ruxsat berish uchun Prussiya qonunlarini buzganligini va 1932 yilda fashistlar Reyx hukumatiga etakchi rolda qo'shilishi kerakligini ochiq e'lon qildi.[21][22] 1932 yil oxirida Adenauer haqiqatan ham uning Zentrum partiyasi va Prussiya uchun natsistlar tomonidan qo'shma hukumatni talab qildi.[23]

Keyingi ikki yil ichida Adenauer do'stlarining xayrixohligi bilan yashab, unga nisbatan repressiyalar bo'lishidan qo'rqib, ko'pincha yashash joylarini o'zgartirdi. 1937 yil avgustda advokatlar yordamida u pensiya olishda muvaffaqiyat qozondi; u Kyoln shahri egallab olgan uyi uchun naqd pul bilan hisob-kitob oldi; uning to'lanmagan ipotekasi, jarimalar va soliqlar bekor qilindi. Muvaffaqiyatli moliyaviy xavfsizlik bilan u bir necha yil yashirincha yashashga muvaffaq bo'ldi. Keyin Gitlerga qilingan suiqasd muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi 1944 yilda u rejimning raqibi sifatida ikkinchi marta qamoqqa tashlandi. U kasal bo'lib qoldi va Kölndagi sobiq munitsipal ishchi va kommunist Eugen Zanderning hayotini saqlab qolganiga ishondi. Zander, keyin bo'lim Kapo Bonn yaqinidagi mehnat lageri, Adenauerning ismini Sharqqa deportatsiya ro'yxatida topdi va uni kasalxonaga yotqizishga muvaffaq bo'ldi. Keyinchalik Adenauer (uning rafiqasi kabi) qayta tiklandi, ammo unga qarshi biron bir dalil bo'lmasa, qamoqdan ozod qilindi Brauweiler 1944 yil noyabrda.

Ikkinchi jahon urushi va CDU tashkil topgandan keyin

1951 yilda Adenauer 1937 yilda Röndorfda qurgan uyida o'qiydi. Hozir bu muzey.

Urush tugaganidan ko'p o'tmay, Amerika ishg'ol kuchlari uni yana bir bor o'rnatdilar Köln merikuchli bombardimon qilingan. Shahar Britaniyaning okkupatsiya zonasiga o'tkazilgandan so'ng, uning harbiy hukumati direktori general Jerald Templer, 1945 yil dekabrda Adenauerni layoqatsizligi uchun ishdan bo'shatdi.[24] Buning ehtimoliy sababi Adenauerning nemislarni istilochi ittifoqchilarga teng deb hisoblashi edi, bu nuqtai nazar Templerni qadrlamadi, natijada u ishdan bo'shatildi.[25] Adenauerning inglizlar tomonidan ishdan bo'shatilishi uning keyingi siyosiy yutuqlariga katta hissa qo'shdi va 1950-yillarda G'arb bilan ittifoq siyosatini "sotilgan" degan ayblovlarsiz olib borishga imkon berdi.

Ishdan bo'shatilgandan so'ng Adenauer o'zini yangi siyosiy partiya tuzishga bag'ishladi Xristian-demokratik ittifoqi (CDU), u ikkalasini ham qamrab oladi deb umid qildi Protestantlar va bitta partiyada Rim katoliklari. Adenauerning so'zlariga ko'ra, faqat katoliklarga tegishli partiya Germaniya siyosatida yana antidemokratik partiyalar hukmron bo'lishiga olib keladi.[26] 1946 yil yanvar oyida Adenauer doyen (ishtirok etgan eng keksa odam) rolida Britaniya zonasida bo'lajak CDUning siyosiy uchrashuvini o'tkazdi. Alterspräsident) va norasmiy ravishda uning rahbari sifatida tasdiqlangan. Veymar respublikasi davrida Adenauer ko'pincha bo'lajak kantsler deb hisoblangan va 1945 yildan keyin uning etakchilik haqidagi da'volari yanada kuchliroq bo'lgan.[27] Boshqasi tirik qoldi Zentrum rahbarlari oldinda turgan vazifalar uchun yaroqsiz deb hisoblangan.[28]

Adenauer uzoq vaqt davomida Prussiya hukmronligi ostida yurgan katolik Rhinelander sifatida o'z hayotini aks ettirgan Prussizm Milliy sotsializmning asosiy sababi edi va faqat prussizmni haydab chiqarish orqali Germaniya demokratiyaga aylanishi mumkin edi.[29] 1946 yil dekabr oyida Adenauer yozgan xatida Prussiya davlati 19-asrning boshlarida shaxslar huquqlari ustidan davlat hokimiyatini qadrlaydigan "deyarli Xudoga o'xshash mavjudotga" aylandi.[29] Adenauerning Prussiyani yoqtirmasligi hatto uni qarshi chiqishga olib keldi Berlin kelajakdagi poytaxt sifatida.[30]

Adenauer urushdan keyingi dunyodagi eng muhim jangni nasroniylik va Marksizm, ayniqsa kommunizm.[31] Marksizm kommunistlarni ham, sotsial-demokratlarni ham nazarda tutgan edi, chunki oxirigacha rasmiylar marksistik partiya edi Yomon Godesberg konferentsiyasi 1959 yil. Xuddi shu anti-marksistik qarashlar Adenauerni sotsial-demokratlarni Prussiya va Milliy sotsializm merosxo'rlari sifatida qoralashga olib keldi.[32] Adenauerning mafkurasi CDUdagi birlashishni istagan ko'pchilik bilan qarama-qarshi edi sotsializm va Nasroniylik.[33] Adenauer keyingi yillarda CDU bilan aloqalarni o'rnatish va qo'llab-quvvatlashda astoydil harakat qildi va partiyaga o'ziga xos mafkurasini yuklash uchun turli muvaffaqiyatlar bilan intildi.

Adenauerning Britaniya zonasidagi CDUdagi etakchi roli unga munosib mavqega ega bo'ldi 1948 yildagi parlament kengashiG'arb tomonidan vujudga kelgan deb nomlangan Ittifoqchilar Germaniyaning uchta g'arbiy zonalari uchun konstitutsiyani ishlab chiqish. U ushbu konstitutsiyaviy konvensiyaning raisi edi va shu lavozimdan yangi hukumat boshlig'i etib saylangunga qadar sakrab chiqdi "Asosiy qonun"1949 yil may oyida e'lon qilingan edi.

G'arbiy Germaniya kansleri

Birinchi hukumat

Saylov plakati, 1949 yil: "Adenauer bilan Germaniyaning tinchligi, erkinligi va birligi uchun, shuning uchun CDU"

Ga birinchi saylov Bundestag G'arbiy Germaniya edi 1949 yil 15-avgustda bo'lib o'tdi, eng kuchli partiya sifatida paydo bo'lgan nasroniy demokratlar bilan. Adenauer va uning asosiy raqibi - sotsial-demokrat tomonidan bo'lajak Germaniya to'g'risida ikki to'qnashuvli tasavvur mavjud edi Kurt Shumaxer. Adenauer Federatsiyani boshqa G'arb davlatlari, xususan Frantsiya va AQSh bilan integratsiyalashishni ma'qul ko'rdi Sovuq urush, hatto bu narx Germaniyaning davomli bo'linishi bo'lsa ham. Shumaxer, aksincha antikommunist bo'lsa ham, birlashgan, sotsialistik va betaraf Germaniyani ko'rishni xohlar edi. Shunday qilib, Adenauer NATOga qo'shilish tarafdori edi, Shumaxer bunga qat'iy qarshi edi.

Erkin demokrat Teodor Xeys birinchi bo'lib saylandi Respublika Prezidentiva Adenauer 1949 yil 15 sentyabrda o'zining CDU tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanib, kantsler (hukumat rahbari) etib saylandi. Xristian ijtimoiy ittifoqi, liberal Erkin Demokratik partiyava o'ng qanot Germaniya partiyasi. Aytishlaricha, Adenauer Germaniyaning yangi parlamenti tomonidan "bitta ovozning ko'pligi - o'z ovozi bilan" kansler etib saylangan.[34] 73 yoshida Adenauer faqat vaqtincha kansler bo'ladi deb o'ylashgan.[35] Biroq, u ushbu lavozimni 14 yil davomida egallab turishi kerak edi, bu davrning dastlabki bosqichining aksariyat qismini tashkil etadi Sovuq urush. Bu davrda Germaniyaning urushdan keyingi bo'linishi ikki alohida Germaniya davlatining tashkil etilishi bilan birlashtirildi Germaniya Federativ Respublikasi (G'arbiy Germaniya) va Germaniya Demokratik Respublikasi (Sharqiy Germaniya).

"Vaqtinchalik poytaxt" uchun bahsli tanlovda Germaniya Federativ Respublikasi, Adenauer chempion bo'ldi Bonn ustida Frankfurt am Main. Inglizlar Bonnni o'zlarining okkupatsiya zonasidan ajratib, hududni to'liq Germaniya suvereniteti ostida bo'lgan avtonom viloyatga aylantirishga kelishib oldilar; amerikaliklar Frankfurt uchun xuddi shunday berishga tayyor emas edilar.[36] Shuningdek, u da'volarga qarshilik ko'rsatdi Geydelbergyaxshi aloqalarga ega bo'lgan va urushdan yaxshi sharoitda omon qolgan; qisman natsistlar hokimiyatga kelguniga qadar u erda mashhur bo'lganliklari uchun va qisman, u aytganidek, agar ular o'z davlatlarini shaharda tashkil etsalar, dunyo ularni jiddiy qabul qilmas edi. Talaba shahzodasi.[iqtibos kerak]

Kantsler sifatida Adenauer aksariyat muhim qarorlarni o'zi qabul qilishga moyil bo'lib, vazirlariga o'z vakolatining kengaytirilishi sifatida qaradi. Bu tendentsiya uning vorislari davrida pasaygan bo'lsa-da, G'arbiy Germaniyaning (va keyinchalik Germaniyani qayta birlashtirgan) "kansler demokratiyasi" obro'sini o'rnatdi.

1949 yil 20 sentyabrdagi nutqida Adenauer barchani qoraladi denazifikatsiya Ittifoqdosh harbiy hukumatlar tomonidan olib borilgan jarayon, xuddi o'sha nutqida fashistlarning harbiy jinoyatchilari uchun amnistiya to'g'risidagi qonunni chiqarishni rejalashtirayotganini e'lon qilgan va u "Oliy Komissarlarga Ittifoqdosh harbiy sudlar tomonidan tayinlangan jazolar uchun tegishli amnistiya to'g'risida murojaat qilishni rejalashtirgan. ".[37] Adenauer denazifikatsiyani davom ettirish "tobora kuchayib borayotgan va o'ta millatchilikni kuchaytiradi", deb ta'kidladi, chunki fashistlar rejimini qo'llab-quvvatlagan millionlar o'zlarini nemis hayotidan abadiy chetlashtirdilar.[38] 1951 yil 31 yanvargacha amnistiya to'g'risidagi qonun 792 176 kishiga foyda keltirdi. Ularning tarkibiga qurbonlarni qamoqxonalar va lagerlarga sudrab borishda qatnashgan SA, SS va Natsistlar partiyasining 3000 nafar xodimi kirgan; 20 ming natsistlar "hayotga qarshi harakatlar" uchun (ehtimol qotillik) aybdor deb topilgan; Tana jarohati etkazganligi uchun 30 ming kishi, 5200 ga yaqini "xizmatdagi jinoyatlar va xatti-harakatlarda" ayblanmoqda.[39]

Adenauer hukumati qabul qilishni rad etdi Oder-Naysse liniyasi Germaniyaning sharqiy chegarasi sifatida.[40] Bu rad etish, asosan, uning ovozlarini olishga intilishidan kelib chiqqan sayg'oqlar va CDUga o'ng qanot millatchilar, shuning uchun u uni qo'llab-quvvatladi Heimatrecht, ya'ni quvilganlarning avvalgi uylariga qaytish huquqi.[41] Agar muzokaralar Germaniyani Adenauer nomaqbul deb hisoblagan shartlar bo'yicha Germaniyani birlashtirishga kirishgan bo'lsa, masalan, Germaniyani neytrallashtirish kabi edi, chunki Adenauer Sovetlar hech qachon Oder-Naysse yo'nalishini qayta ko'rib chiqmasligini yaxshi bilar edi.[41] Shaxsiy ravishda Adenauer Germaniyaning sharqiy viloyatlarini abadiy yo'qolgan deb hisoblagan.[42]

Adenauer nutq so'zladi Bundestag, 1955.

Da Petersberg shartnomasi 1949 yil noyabrda u ittifoqchilar tomonidan beriladigan ba'zi imtiyozlarga erishdi, masalan, demontaj qilinadigan fabrikalar sonining qisqarishi, xususan, Rur xalqaro tashkiloti og'ir tanqidlarga olib keldi. Parlamentdagi quyidagi munozarada Adenauer shunday dedi:

Ittifoqchilar menga agar ittifoqchilarning xavfsizlikka bo'lgan intilishini qondirgandagina demontaj to'xtatiladi, deb aytishdi, Sotsialistik partiya demontajning achchiq oxirigacha borishini xohlaydimi?[43][44]

Muxolifat rahbari Kurt Shumaxer Adenauerga "ittifoqchilar kansleri" degan yorliq qo'yib, Adenauerni Sovuq urush uchun G'arb bilan yaxshi munosabatlarni Germaniya milliy manfaatlaridan ustun qo'yishda aybladi.

Bir yillik muzokaralardan so'ng Parij shartnomasi tashkil etib, 1951 yil 18 aprelda imzolangan Evropa ko'mir va po'lat hamjamiyati. Shartnoma Germaniyada unchalik yoqmagan edi, chunki bu frantsuzlarning Germaniya sanoatini egallab olishga urinishi sifatida ko'rilgan.[45] Shartnoma shartlari frantsuzlar uchun qulay bo'lgan, ammo Adenauer uchun bu muhim bo'lgan yagona narsa Evropa integratsiyasi edi.[46] Adenauer Buyuk Britaniyaning Evropa ko'mir va po'lat hamjamiyatiga qo'shilishini ko'rishni juda xohlar edi, chunki u erkin bozorga ega bo'lgan inglizlar ta'sirini muvozanatlashtiradi deb o'ylardi. dirigiste Frantsuz tili va shu maqsadga erishish uchun u 1951 yil noyabrda Londonga Bosh vazir bilan uchrashish uchun tashrif buyurdi Uinston Cherchill.[47] Cherchillning aytishicha, Britaniya Evropa ko'mir va po'lat hamjamiyatiga qo'shilmaydi, chunki bu AQSh va Hamdo'stlik bilan munosabatlarni qurbon qilishni anglatadi.[48]

Adenauer kanslerlik davrining boshidanoq Germaniyani qayta qurollantirishni talab qilmoqda. Epidemiyasi keyin Koreya urushi 1950 yil 25 iyunda AQSh va Angliya G'arbiy Evropaning Sovet Ittifoqi hujumiga qarshi mudofaasini kuchaytirish uchun G'arbiy Germaniyani qayta qurollantirish kerakligi to'g'risida kelishib oldilar. 1950 yildagi inqiroz muhitiga Sharqiy Germaniya etakchisining ritorikasi sabab bo'ldi Valter Ulbrixt, Germaniyaning kommunistik boshqaruv ostida birlashishini yaqinda e'lon qildi.[49][50] Frantsiyaning Germaniyani qayta qurollantirishdan qo'rqishini tinchlantirish uchun Frantsiya Premer Rene Pleven deb atalmish taklif qildi Pleven rejasi 1950 yil oktabrda Federatsiya respublikasi ko'p millatli qurolli qanotning bir qismi sifatida o'z harbiy kuchlariga ega bo'lishi kerak edi Evropa mudofaa hamjamiyati (EDC).[51] Adenauer "Pleven rejasi" ni juda yoqtirmasdi, ammo bu reja frantsuzlar Germaniyani qayta qurollantirishga rozi bo'lishining yagona usuli ekanligi aniq bo'lganda uni qo'llab-quvvatlashga majbur bo'ldi.[52]

Adenauer 1950 yilda Bonndagi Ermekeil kazarmasida Adolf Xeyuzer (o'ngda), Himmerod memorandumi mualliflaridan biri

1950 yilda Adenauerning davlat kotibi ekanligi aniqlangach, katta mojaro boshlandi Xans Globke antisemitizmni tayyorlashda katta rol o'ynagan Nuremberg poyga qonunlari fashistlar Germaniyasida.[53] Adenauer Globkeni o'zining integratsiya strategiyasining bir qismi sifatida davlat kotibi sifatida saqlab qoldi.[54] 1950 yil avgustdan boshlab Adenauer G'arbiy ittifoqchilarni qamoqdagi barcha harbiy jinoyatchilarni, ayniqsa, Vermaxtdavom etgan qamoqda G'arbiy Germaniyani qayta qurollantirishni imkonsiz qildi.[55] Adenauerga qarshi bo'lgan Nürnberg sud jarayoni 1945–46 yillarda va kansler bo'lganidan so'ng, u "Spandau Seven" deb nomlanganni ozod etishni talab qildi, chunki Nyurnbergda sudlangan va qamalgan etti harbiy jinoyatchi sifatida. Spandau qamoqxonasi ma'lum bo'lgan.[56]

1950 yil oktyabrda Adenauer "deb nomlangan hujjatni oldiHimmerod memorandumi"da to'rt nafar sobiq Vermaxt generallari tomonidan tuzilgan Himmerod Abbey Germaniya harbiy jinoyatchilari uchun erkinlikni Germaniyani qayta qurollantirish narxi bilan bog'laydigan va Ittifoqchilarning Ikkinchi Jahon Urushida Vermaxt hech qanday harbiy jinoyat sodir etmaganligi haqidagi ochiq bayonotlari bilan.[57] Ittifoqchilar juda zarur bo'lgan Germaniya qurollanishini boshlash uchun zarur bo'lgan barcha narsani qilishga tayyor edilar va 1951 yil yanvar oyida general Duayt Eyzenxauer, NATO kuchlari qo'mondoni, Vermaxtning katta qismi sharafli harakat qilganini e'lon qildi.[58]

1951 yil 2-yanvarda Adenauer Amerika Oliy Komissari bilan uchrashdi, Jon J. Makkloy, ning bajarilishini ta'kidlash Landsberg mahbuslari Federal Respublikaning Sovuq Urushda o'z rolini o'ynashiga qaratilgan har qanday sa'y-harakatlarni abadiy buzadi.[59] Adenauerning talablari va nemis jamoatchiligining bosimiga javoban Makkloy 1951 yil 31-yanvarda Landsbergdagi 102 kishining ko'pchiligining o'lim jazosini qisqartirdi, faqat 7 mahbusni osib qo'ydi, o'limga mahkum etilganlarning qolganlari esa qutulishdi.[60]

1951 yilga kelib qonunlar qabul qilindi Bundestag denazifikatsiyani tugatish. Denazifikatsiyani Qo'shma Shtatlar qarama-qarshi va samarasiz deb hisoblagan va uning yo'q qilinishiga qarshi bo'lmagan.[61] Adenauerning maqsadi hukumat siyosatini fashistlar hukmronligi qurbonlari uchun kompensatsiya va tovon puli to'lashga o'tish edi (Wiedergutmachung).[62][63] Denazifikatsiyani ko'rib chiqish jarayonida I guruhga (yirik huquqbuzarlar) va II (huquqbuzarlarga) tayinlangan shaxslar bundan mustasno, mansabdor shaxslarga davlat xizmatidagi ishlarini qayta tiklashga ruxsat berildi.[63][64] Adenauer o'zining reabilitatsiya qilingan sobiq natsistlariga bosim o'tkazib, safdan chiqib ketish yakka tartibdagi natsistatsiya ayblovlarini qayta boshlashiga olib kelishi mumkinligi bilan tahdid qildi. "Vakolatli Federal hukumat tuzilishi boshidanoq Adenauerning ulkan yutuqlaridan biri bo'ldi".[65]

Zamonaviy tanqidchilar Adenauerni Germaniyaning bo'linishini mustahkamlashda, birlashishni qurbon qilganlikda va g'arbiy tomon siljishida yo'qolgan hududlarni tiklashda ayblashdi. Polsha va Sovet Ittifoqi G'arbga Federativ Respublikani ta'minlashga bo'lgan qat'iyati bilan. Adenauerning Germaniya siyosati asos qilib olindi Politik der Stärke (Quvvat siyosati) va "magnit nazariyasi" deb nomlangan, unda G'arb bilan birlashib rivojlangan, demokratik G'arbiy Germaniya Sharqiy Germaniya rejimini barbod qiladigan "magnit" rolini o'ynaydi.[66]

1952 yilda Stalinning eslatmasi, ma'lum bo'lganidek, "G'arbda hamma hayratda qoldi".[67] Ikkala nemis sub'ektlarini o'zlarining qo'shilmaslik milliy armiyasiga ega bo'lgan yagona, neytral davlatga birlashtirishni taklif qildi. Markaziy Evropa. Adenauer va uning kabineti bir ovozdan Stalin uverturasini rad etishdi; ular G'arbiy ittifoqchilarning ushbu taklifning haqiqiyligi haqidagi shubhalarini o'rtoqlashdilar va ehtiyotkorlik bilan javob berishda ittifoqchilarni qo'llab-quvvatladilar. Bunda ularni oppozitsiya rahbari qo'llab-quvvatladi Kurt Shumaxer (juda kam uchraydigan hodisa) va yaqinda (21-asr) tarixiy tadqiqotlarning topilmalari.[iqtibos kerak] Adenauerning qat'iy rad etilishi, baribir, jamoatchilik fikriga zid edi; keyin u xatosini tushundi va u savollar berishni boshladi. Tanqidchilar uni imkoniyatni boy bergani uchun qoralashdi Germaniyaning birlashishi. Sovetlar ohangda xushmuomalalik bilan ikkinchi eslatma yuborishdi. O'shanda Adenauer "tashabbuskorlik uchun barcha imkoniyat uning qo'lidan o'tganini" tushundi.[68] va ittifoqchilar bu masalani hal qilishdi. Ning haqiqatlarini hisobga olgan holda Sovuq urush, Germaniyaning birlashishi va tiklanishi sharqda yo'qolgan hududlar real maqsadlar emas edi, chunki Stalinning ikkala eslatmasida Germaniyaning mavjud bo'lgan "Potsdam" chegaralarini saqlab qolish belgilangan edi.

Konrad Adenauer Isroil Prezidenti bilan Zalman Shazar, 1966.

G'arbiy Germaniya Isroil bilan yo'qolgan mol-mulkni qaytarish va fashistlar ta'qibiga uchraganlarga etkazilgan zararni to'lash bo'yicha muzokaralarni boshladi. In Lyuksemburglik Abkommen, G'arbiy Germaniya Isroilga tovon to'lashga rozi bo'ldi. Yahudiylarning da'volari birlashtirildi Yahudiylarning da'volari bo'yicha konferentsiyafashistlar Germaniyasining yahudiy qurbonlarini namoyish etgan. Keyinchalik G'arbiy Germaniya dastlab taxminan 3 mlrd Mark Isroilga va da'volar konferentsiyasiga taxminan 450 million kishi, garchi to'lovlar bundan keyin ham davom etdi, chunki yangi da'volar paydo bo'ldi.[69] Ham jamoatchilik, ham o'z kabinetining jiddiy qarshiliklariga duch kelgan Adenauer faqat qoplash to'g'risidagi kelishuvni tasdiqlashi mumkin edi. Bundestag SPD ko'magida.[70] Isroil jamoatchilik fikri pulni qabul qilish borasida ikkiga bo'lindi, ammo oxir-oqibat yangi paydo bo'lgan davlat Devid Ben-Gurion kabi radikal guruhlar qarshi chiqib, uni olishga rozi bo'ldi Irgun, kim bunday shartnomalarga qarshi bo'lgan. Ushbu shartnomalar Adenauerga qarshi radikal yahudiy guruhlarining suiqasd harakatining asosiy sababi sifatida ko'rsatilgan.[71]

1952 yil 27 martda kantsler Adenauer nomiga yuborilgan paket portlab ketdi Myunxen Politsiya Bosh qarorgohi, bitta Bavariya politsiyachisini o'ldirdi. Tekshiruvlar natijasida suiqasd tashkilotchisi bo'lganligi aniqlandi Menaxem boshlanadi, keyinchalik kim Bosh vazir bo'ladi Isroil.[72] Begin qo'mondoni bo'lgan Irgun va o'sha paytda boshchiligidagi Herut va a'zosi bo'lgan Knesset. Uning maqsadi Germaniya hukumatiga bosim o'tkazish va imzolanishni oldini olish edi Isroil va G'arbiy Germaniya o'rtasida qoplash to'g'risidagi bitim, u qat'iyan qarshi chiqdi.[73] G'arbiy Germaniya hukumati oldini olish uchun barcha dalillarni muhr ostida saqlagan antisemitik nemis jamoatchiligining javoblari.

Ikkinchi hukumat

Yil odami: Adenauer muqovasida Vaqt (1954 yil 4-yanvar)

Qachon 1953 yildagi Sharqiy Germaniya qo'zg'oloni 1953 yil iyun oyida Qizil Armiya tomonidan qattiq bostirilgan, Adenauer vaziyatdan siyosiy foydalandi va ikkinchi marotaba kansler sifatida qayta saylandi.[74] CDU / CSU mutlaq ko'pchilikdan bir o'ringa kam qoldi. Shunday qilib Adenauer faqat bitta boshqa partiya bilan koalitsiyani boshqarishi mumkin edi, ammo SPDning o'ng tomonida bo'lgan Bundestagdagi deyarli barcha partiyalarni qo'llab-quvvatladi / qo'llab-quvvatladi. G'arbiy Germaniyaning etakchisi bo'lgan barcha sa'y-harakatlari uchun Adenauer nomlandi Vaqt jurnalning Yil odami 1953 yilda. 1954 yilda u Karlspreis (Ingliz tili: Charlemagne Award), Germaniyaning Axen Evropa g'oyasi, Evropa hamkorligi va Evropa tinchligiga hissa qo'shgan odamlarga.

The Germaniyani tiklash to'g'risidagi qonunlar (Bundesentschädigungsgesetz) 1953 yilda qabul qilingan, bu fashistlar prokuraturasining ba'zi jabrdiydalariga zararni qoplashni talab qilishga imkon bergan.[75] 1953 yilgi qaytarish to'g'risidagi qonunga binoan, "irqiy, diniy yoki siyosiy sabablarga ko'ra" azob chekkanlar, tovon puli undirish huquqiga ega bo'lganlar sonini keskin cheklaydigan tarzda aniqlangan tovon puli to'plashlari mumkin edi.[76]

1954 yil bahorida Pleven rejasi frantsuzlar ichida o'sdi Milliy assambleya.[77] Buyuk Britaniya bosh vaziri Uinston Cherchill Adenauerga Angliya G'arbiy Germaniya qayta qurollanishini, agar Milliy Assambleya EDC shartnomasini ratifikatsiya qilgan yoki qabul qilmagan bo'lsa ham, amalga oshirilishini kafolatlashini aytdi.[78] 1954 yil avgust oyida Pleven rejasi Milliy yig'ilishdagi konservatorlar va kommunistlar ittifoqi G'arbiy Germaniyani har qanday shaklda qayta qurollantirish Frantsiya uchun qabul qilinmaydigan xavf bo'lganligi sababli EDC shartnomasini rad etish uchun kuchlarni birlashtirganida vafot etdi.[79]

Imzolash Shimoliy Atlantika shartnomasi Parijda, 1954 (chapda Adenauer)

Buyuk Britaniya tashqi ishlar vaziri Entoni Eden G'arbiy Germaniyani mustaqil ravishda qayta qurollantirish va G'arbiy Germaniyaning NATOga a'zoligini targ'ib qilishda EDCning muvaffaqiyatsizligidan foydalangan.[79] G'arbiy Germaniya obro'sini tiklashda Adenauerning muvaffaqiyati tufayli qisman inglizlarning taklifi ma'qullandi.[79] Keyingi paytda London konferentsiyasi, Eden Adenauerga yordam berib, frantsuzlarga Britaniya har doim kamida to'rtta bo'linishni saqlab turishini va'da qildi Britaniyaning Reyn armiyasi Sovet tahdidi bo'lgan ekan, kuchaygan ingliz kuchlari ham har qanday nemis revanshizmiga qarshi bilvosita qaratilgan.[80] Keyin Adenauer Germaniya hech qachon yadro, kimyoviy va biologik qurollarga, shuningdek kapital kemalariga, strategik bombardimonchilarga, uzoq masofali artilleriya va boshqariladigan raketalarga ega bo'lishga intilmasligini va'da qildi, garchi bu va'dalar majburiy emas edi.[80] Frantsuzlar G'arbiy Germaniyani qayta qurollantirish Frantsiya uchun hech qanday xavf tug'dirmaydi deb ishontirgan edi. Bundan tashqari, Adenauer G'arbiy Germaniya harbiy kuchlari NATO bosh shtabining operativ nazorati ostida bo'lishiga va'da berdi, ammo yakuniy nazorat G'arbiy Germaniya hukumatiga tegishli bo'ladi; va eng avvalo u hech qachon NATOning qat'iy mudofaa nizomini buzmasligini va Germaniyaning birlashishiga erishish uchun Sharqiy Germaniyaga bostirib kirmasligini aytdi.[81]

Vazir Bo'sh va Adenauer general bilan Speidel 1955 yil 20-yanvarda yangi tashkil etilgan Bundesver tarkibini tekshiring

1955 yil may oyida G'arbiy Germaniya NATOga, noyabrda G'arbiy Germaniya harbiy Bundesver, tashkil etilgan.[79] Garchi Adenauer birinchisidan foydalansa ham Vermaxt generallar va admirallar Bundesver, u ko'rdi Bundesver o'tmishga aloqasi bo'lmagan yangi kuch sifatida va uning ostida qolishini xohladi fuqarolik nazorati har doim.[82] Ushbu maqsadlarga erishish uchun Adenauer harbiy islohotchiga katta kuch berdi Bo'ri Graf fon Bodissin.[83]

1954 yil noyabrda Adenauerning "Spandau Seven" nomidan lobbichilik faoliyati nihoyat o'z samarasini berdi. Konstantin fon Neyrat.[84] Adenauer Neuratni ozod etilishi bilan tabrikladi va butun dunyoda munozaralarga sabab bo'ldi.[85] Shu bilan birga Adenauer Admiral uchun erkinlikni qo'lga kiritishga bo'lgan sa'y-harakatlari Karl Dönitz Tashqi ishlar vazirligidagi Britaniyaning doimiy kotibi tomonidan qat'iy qarshilikka uchradi, Ivone Kirkpatrick, Do'nitsning ta'kidlashicha, Germaniya demokratiyasi uchun faol xavf tug'diradi.[86] Keyin Adenauer Kirkpatrick bilan Admiral Dönitz uchun muddatidan oldin ozod qilinish bilan Admiral uchun muddatidan oldin ozod qilindi Erix Raeder tibbiy ko'rsatkichlar bo'yicha.[87]

Konrad Adenauer iqtisodiyot vaziri bilan Lyudvig Erxard, 1956. Adenauer kasaba uyushmalari va ish beruvchilar uyushmalariga nisbatan Erxardga qaraganda yumshoqroq munosabatda bo'ldi.

Adenauerning yutuqlari orasida G'arbiy Germaniyada barqaror demokratiyaning o'rnatilishi va doimiy yarashuv mavjud Frantsiya, bilan yakunlandi Elisey shartnomasi. Uning G'arbiy kuchlarga bo'lgan siyosiy sadoqati G'arbiy Germaniya uchun to'liq suverenitetga erishdi Umumiy shartnomaGarchi birlashishi mumkin bo'lgan Germaniya maqomiga va G'arbiy Germaniyada favqulodda holatga nisbatan ittifoqchilarning cheklovlari mavjud bo'lsa ham. Adenauer mamlakatni rivojlanayotgan Evroatlantik hamjamiyat bilan qat'iy birlashtirdi (NATO va Evropa iqtisodiy hamkorlik tashkiloti). Adenauer yaxshilangan dasturni amalga oshirish bilan chambarchas bog'liq pensiya nafaqaxo'rlar uchun mislsiz farovonlikni ta'minlaydigan tizim. Uning iqtisodiy ishlar vaziri va vorisi bilan birga Lyudvig Erxard, G'arbiy Germaniya modeli "ijtimoiy bozor iqtisodiyoti"(a aralash iqtisodiyot bilan kapitalizm elementlari tomonidan boshqariladi ijtimoiy ta'minot va Katolik ijtimoiy ta'limoti) deb nomlanuvchi rivojlanish davri uchun ruxsat berilgan Wirtschaftswunder ("iqtisodiy mo''jiza") keng farovonlikni keltirib chiqardi. Adenauer davrida o'rtacha nemislarning turmush darajasi keskin ko'tarilib, 1950-1963 yillarda real ish haqi ikki baravarga oshdi. Ushbu ko'tarilgan farovonlik o'sha davrda ish vaqtining 20 foizga pasayishi bilan birga ishsizlikning pasayishi bilan birga bo'lgan. stavka 1950 yildagi 8% dan 1965 yildagi 0,4% gacha.[88] bundan tashqari, rivojlangan ijtimoiy davlat barpo etildi.[89]

Nikita Xrushchev va boshqa sovet rahbarlari Adenauerni kutib olishmoqda Moskva 1955 yil sentyabrda

1955 yilda Germaniyaning so'nggi harbiy asirlarini ozod qilish evaziga Federativ Respublikasi bilan diplomatik aloqalar o'rnatdi SSSR, ammo Sharqiy Germaniyani tan olishdan bosh tortdi va mamlakatlar bilan diplomatik aloqalarni uzdi (masalan, Yugoslaviya) Sharqiy Germaniya rejimi bilan aloqalarni o'rnatgan.[90] Adenauer ham ko'rib chiqishga tayyor edi Oder-Naysse liniyasi Polsha bilan yanada moslashuvchan siyosat olib borish uchun Germaniya chegarasi sifatida, lekin u bunga etarlicha ichki yordam ko'rsatishni buyurmadi va Oder-Nayse yo'nalishiga qarshi chiqish davom etdi va Adenauerning G'arbiy ittifoqchilari orasida umidsizlik paydo bo'ldi.[91]

1956 yilda, davomida Suvaysh inqirozi, Adenauer fully supported the Anglo-French-Israeli attack on Egypt, arguing to his Cabinet that Nasser was a pro-Soviet force that needed to be cut down to size.[92] Adenauer was appalled that the Americans had come out against the attack on Egypt alongside the Soviets, which led Adenauer to fear that the United States and Soviet Union would "carve up the world" with no thought for European interests.[93]

Adenauer with the mother of a German Asir brought home in 1955 from the Sovet Ittifoqi, due to Adenauer's visit to Moscow

At the height of the Suez crisis, Adenauer visited Paris to meet the French Premier Gay Mollet in a show of moral support for France.[94] The day before Adenauer arrived in Paris, the Soviet Premier Nikolay Bulganin sent the so-called "Bulganin letters" to the leaders of Britain, France, and Israel threatening nuclear strikes if they did not end the war against Egypt.[94] The news of the "Bulganin letters" reached Adenauer mid-way on the train trip to Paris. The threat of a Soviet nuclear strike that could destroy Paris at any moment added considerably to the tension of the summit.[95] The Paris summit helped to strengthen the bond between Adenauer and the French, who saw themselves as fellow European powers living in a world dominated by Washington and Moscow.[96]

Adenauer was deeply shocked by the Soviet threat of nuclear strikes against Britain and France, and even more so by the apparent quiescent American response to the Soviet threat of nuclear annihilation against two of NATO's key members.[97] As a result, Adenauer became more interested in the French idea of a European "Third Force" in the Cold War as an alternative security policy.[98] This helped to lead to the formation of the Evropa iqtisodiy hamjamiyati in 1957, which was intended to be the foundation stone of the European "Third Force".[99]

Adenauer reached an agreement for his "nuclear ambitions" with a NATO Military Committee in December 1956 that stipulated West German forces were to be "equipped for yadro urushi".[100] Concluding that the United States would eventually pull out of Western Europe, Adenauer pursued nuclear cooperation with other countries. The French government then proposed that France, West Germany and Italy jointly develop and produce yadro qurollari va etkazib berish tizimlari, and an agreement was signed in April 1958. With the ascendancy of Sharl de Goll, the agreement for joint production and control was shelved indefinitely.[101] Prezident Jon F. Kennedi, an ardent foe of yadroviy tarqalish, considered sales of such weapons moot since "in the event of war the United States would, from the outset, be prepared to defend the Federal Republic."[102] The physicists of the Maks Plank instituti for Theoretical Physics at Göttingen and other renowned universities would have had the scientific capability for in-house development, but the will was absent,[103] nor was there public support. With Adenauer's fourth-term election in November 1961 and the end of his chancellorship in sight, his "nuclear ambitions" began to taper off.

Third government

Adenauer with French president Charles de Gaulle at the Köln Bonn aeroporti 1961 yilda

1957 yilda Saarland was reintegrated into Germany as a federal state of the Federal Republic. The election of 1957 essentially dealt with national matters.[103] His re-election campaign centered around the slogan "No Experiments".[35] Riding a wave of popularity from the return of the last Asirlar from Soviet labor camps, as well as an extensive pension reform, Adenauer led the CDU/CSU to an outright majority in a free German election.[104] In 1957, the Federal Republic signed the Rim shartnomasi va tashkil etuvchi a'zosi bo'ldi Evropa iqtisodiy hamjamiyati. In September 1958, Adenauer first met President Sharl de Goll of France, who was to become a close friend and ally in pursuing Franco-German rapprochement.[105] Adenauer saw de Gaulle as a "rock" and the only foreign leader whom he could completely trust.[106]

Ga javoban Ulm Einsatzkommando sudi in 1958, Adenauer set up the Milliy sotsialistik jinoyatlarni tergov qilish bo'yicha davlat adliya boshqarmasining markaziy apparati.[107]

On 27 November 1958 another Berlin crisis broke out when Xrushchev taqdim etdi ultimatum with a six-month expiry date to Washington, London and Paris, where he demanded that the Allies pull all their forces out of West Berlin and agree that West Berlin become a "free city", or else he would sign a separate peace treaty with East Germany.[108] Adenauer was opposed to any sort of negotiations with the Soviets, arguing if only the West were to hang tough long enough, Khrushchev would back down.[109] As the 27 May deadline approached, the crisis was defused by the British Prime Minister Garold Makmillan, kim tashrif buyurgan Moskva to meet with Khrushchev and managed to extend the deadline while not committing himself or the other Western powers to concessions.[110] Adenauer believed Macmillan to be a spineless "appeaser", who had made a secret deal with Khrushchev at the expense of the Federal Republic.[111][112]

Adenauer visiting a refugee kindergarten in Berlin in 1958
Adenauer and Italian Prime Minister Antonio Segni 1959 yil avgustda

Adenauer tarnished his image when he announced he would run for the office of federal prezident in 1959, only to pull out when he discovered that under the Asosiy qonun, the president had far less power than he did in the Weimar Republic. After his reversal he supported the nomination of Geynrix Lyubke as the CDU presidential candidate whom he believed weak enough not to interfere with his actions as Federal Chancellor. One of Adenauer's reasons for not pursuing the presidency was his fear that Ludwig Erhard, whom Adenauer thought little of, would become the new chancellor.

By early 1959, Adenauer came under renewed pressure from his Western allies, to recognize the Oder-Naysse liniyasi, with the Americans being especially insistent.[113] Adenauer gave his "explicit and unconditional approval" to the idea of non-aggression pacts in late January 1959, which effectively meant recognising the Oder-Neisse line, since realistically speaking Germany could only regain the lost territories through force. After Adenauer's intention to sign non-aggression pacts with Poland and Czechoslovakia became clear, the German expellee lobby swung into action and organized protests all over the Federal Republic while bombarding the offices of Adenauer and other members of the cabinet with thousands of letters, telegrams and telephone calls promising never to vote CDU again if the non-aggression pacts were signed.[114] Faced with this pressure, Adenauer promptly capitulated to the expellee lobby.[114]

In late 1959, a controversy broke out when it emerged that Teodor Oberlender, the Minister of Refugees since 1953 and one of the most powerful leaders of the expellee lobby had committed war crimes against Jews and Poles during World War II.[115] Despite his past, on 10 December 1959, a statement was released to the press declaring that "Dr. Oberländer has the full confidence of the Adenauer cabinet".[116] Other Christian Democrats made it clear to Adenauer that they would like to see Oberländer out of the cabinet, and finally in May 1960 Oberländer resigned.[117]

To'rtinchi hukumat

U.S. President John F. Kennedy visiting Adenauer at the Hammerschmidt Villa

In 1961, Adenauer had his concerns about both the status of Berlin and US leadership confirmed, as the Soviets and East Germans built the Berlin Wall. Adenauer had come into the year distrusting the new US President, Jon F. Kennedi. He doubted Kennedy's commitment to a free Berlin and a unified Germany and considered him undisciplined and naïve.[118] For his part, Kennedy thought that Adenauer was a relic of the past. Their strained relationship impeded effective Western action on Berlin during 1961.[119]

Ning qurilishi Berlin devori in August 1961 and the sealing of borders by the East Germans made Adenauer's government look weak. Adenauer chose to remain on the campaign trail, and made a disastrous misjudgement in a speech on 14 August 1961 in Regensburg when he engaged in a personal attack on the SPD Mayor of West Berlin, Villi Brandt saying that Brandt's illegitimate birth had disqualified him from holding any sort of office.[120] After failing to keep their majority in the general election on 17 September, the CDU/CSU again needed to include the FDP in a coalition government. Adenauer was forced to make two concessions: to relinquish the chancellorship before the end of the new term, his fourth, and to replace his foreign minister.[121] In his last years in office, Adenauer used to take a nap after lunch and, when he was traveling abroad and had a public function to attend, he sometimes asked for a bed in a room close to where he was supposed to be speaking, so that he could rest briefly before he appeared.[122]

Berlin plaque commemorating restoration of relations between Germany and France, showing Adenauer and Sharl de Goll.

During this time, Adenauer came into conflict with the Economics Minister Lyudvig Erxard over the depth of German integration to the West. Erhard was in favor of allowing Britain to join to create a trans-Atlantic free trade zone, while Adenauer was for strengthening ties amongst the original founding six nations of West Germany, France, the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg and Italy.[123] In Adenauer's viewpoint, the Cold War meant that the NATO alliance with the United States and Britain was essential, but there could be no deeper integration into a trans-Atlantic community beyond the existing military ties as that would lead to a "mishmash" between different cultural systems that would be doomed to failure.[124] Though Adenauer had tried to get Britain to join the Evropa ko'mir va po'lat hamjamiyati in 1951–52, by the early 1960s Adenauer had come to share General de Gaulle's belief that Britain simply did not belong in the EEC.[125] The Elisey shartnomasi was signed in January 1963 to solidify relations with France.

1962 yil oktyabrda, a scandal erupted when police arrested five Der Spiegel journalists, charging them with espionage for publishing a memo detailing weaknesses in the West German armed forces. Adenauer had not initiated the arrests, but initially defended the person responsible, Defense Minister Frants Yozef Strauss, and called the Spiegel memo "abyss of treason". After public outrage and heavy protests from the coalition partner FDP he dismissed Strauss, but the reputation of Adenauer and his party had already suffered.[126][127]

Adenauer delivering a speech at the March 1966 CDU party rally, one year before his death

Adenauer managed to remain in office for almost another year, but the scandal increased the pressure already on him to fulfill his promise to resign before the end of the term. Adenauer was not on good terms in his last years of power with his economics minister Lyudvig Erxard and tried to block him from the chancellorship. In January 1963, Adenauer privately supported General Sharl de Goll's veto of Britain's attempt to join the Evropa iqtisodiy hamjamiyati, and was only prevented from saying so openly by the need to preserve unity in his cabinet as most of his ministers led by Erhard supported Britain's application.[128] A Frankofil, Adenauer saw a Franco-German partnership as the key for European peace and prosperity and shared de Gaulle's view that Britain would be a disputative force in the EEC.[129] Adenauer failed in his efforts to block Erhard as his successor, and in October 1963 he turned the office over to Erhard. He remained chairman of the CDU until his resignation in December 1966.[130]

Adenauer ensured a truly free and democratic society, except the banning of the communist party and the BND spying on SDP on behalf of the CDU (see #Intelligence services and spying), and laid the groundwork for Germany to reenter the community of nations and to evolve as a dependable member of the Western world. It can be argued that because of Adenauer's policies, a later reunification of both German states was possible, and unified Germany has remained a solid partner in the Yevropa Ittifoqi va NATO. Britaniyalik tarixchi Frederik Teylor argued that in many ways the Adenauer era was a transition period in values and viewpoints from the authoritarianism that characterized Germany in the first half of the 20th century to the more democratic values that characterized the western half Germany in the second half of the 20th century.[131]

Ijtimoiy siyosat

Adenauer's years in the Chancellorship saw the realization of a number of important initiatives in the domestic field, such as in housing, pension rights, and unemployment provision. A major housebuilding programme was launched, while measures introduced to assist war victims[132] and expellees.[133] A savings scheme for homeownership was set up in 1952,[134] while the Housebuilding Act of 1956 reinforced incentives for owner-occupation. Employer-funded child allowances for three or more children were established in 1954, and in 1957 the indexation of pension schemes was introduced, together with an old age assistance scheme for agricultural workers.[135] The 1952 Maternity Leave Law foresaw 12 weeks of paid leave for working mothers, who were also safeguarded from unfair dismissal,[136] and improvements in unemployment benefits were carried out.[137] The Soldiers' Law of 1956 laid down that soldiers had the same rights as other citizens, "limited only by the demands of military service."[138] Following a Federal Act of 1961, social assistance provided a safety net of minimum income "for those not adequately catered for by social insurance."[139] Controversially, however, a school lunch programme was abolished in 1950.[140]

Intelligence services and spying

By the early 1960s, connections between the CDU under Adenauer and the intelligence services ("Bundesnachrichtendienst" / BND) had become significantly closer than would be generally known until many years later. Rahmat BND, information on the internal machinations of the opposition SPD party were available to the entire CDU leadership, and not merely to Adenauer in his capacity as kantsler. It was Adenauer himself who personally instructed the BND to spy on his SPD rival, the future kantsler Villi Brandt.[141]

O'lim va meros

Funeral service for Adenauer in Köln sobori
Adenauer's grave in Rhöndorf.
The monument "Homage to the Founding Fathers of Europe" in front of Robert Schuman's house in Scy-Chazelles rus rassomi tomonidan Zurab Tsereteli, 2012 yil 20 oktyabrda ochilgan. Haykallar Evropaning to'rt asoschisini anglatadi - Alcide De Gasperi, Robert Shuman, Jan Monnet and Konrad Adenauer.

Adenauer died on 19 April 1967 in his family home at Rendorf. According to his daughter, his last words were "Da jitt et nix zo kriesche!" (talaffuz qilingan [dɔ² ˈjɪdət nɪks tsə ˈkʁiːʃə],["²" nimani anglatadi?] Cologne dialect for "There's nothin' to weep about!").

Konrad Adenauer's davlat dafn marosimi yilda Köln sobori was attended by a large number of international guests. One hundred countries were represented,[142] ular kiritilgan

va boshqa ko'plab narsalar.

After the Requiem Mass and service, his remains were taken upstream to Rhöndorf on the Reyn bortda Kondor, with two more Seeadler sinfidagi tezkor hujum ning Germaniya dengiz floti, Qarovchi va Sperber as escorts, "past the thousands who stood in silence on both banks of the river".[144] U interda Waldfriedhof ("Forest Cemetery") at Rhöndorf.

When, in 1967, after his death at the age of 91, Germans were asked what they admired most about Adenauer, the majority responded that he had brought home the last German prisoners of war from the USSR, which had become known as the "Return of the 10,000".[a]

In 2003, Adenauer was voted the 'greatest German of all time' in a contest called Unsere Besten run on German public-service television broadcaster ZDF in which more than three million votes were cast. Adolf Hitler and East Germany's Erix Xonekker were excluded from the nominations (as both are considered tyrants in modern Germany, and in the case of Hitler, would cause international controversy if nominated).[146]

Adenauer was the main motive for one of the most recent and famous gold commemorative coins: the Belgian 3 pioneers of the European unification commemorative coin, minted in 2002. The obverse side shows a portrait with the names Robert Shuman, Pol-Anri Spaak, and Konrad Adenauer; the three most important figures of the Evropa Ittifoqining asoschilari.[147][dairesel ma'lumotnoma]

Tafovutlar

Bu dinamik ro'yxat va hech qachon to'liqlik uchun muayyan standartlarni qondira olmaydi. Siz yordam berishingiz mumkin etishmayotgan narsalarni qo'shish bilan ishonchli manbalar.

Milliy buyurtmalar

Chet el buyurtmalari

Mukofotlar

Shuningdek qarang

Izohlar

  1. ^ The 10,000 returnees were Wehrmacht personnel and some civilians convicted by Soviet Military Tribunals of war crimes. Among those returned in 1955 were Luftwaffe fighter ace Erix Xartmann, Generals Leopold von Babenhausen, Fridrix Foertch, Walther von Seydlitz-Kurzbach and Hitler's personal pilot Xans Baur.[145]

Adabiyotlar

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  2. ^ "Konrad Adenauer (1876–1967)".
  3. ^ Richard Hiscocks, Adenauer davri (1975) p. 290
  4. ^ Roy Jenkins (2011). Portraits and Miniatures. A & C qora. p. 56. ISBN 9781448202881.
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  6. ^ Jenkins, Roy Portraits and Miniatures, London: Bloomsbury Reader, 2012 p. 81
  7. ^ "Lebenslauf – Ein kurzer Überblick" (nemis tilida). Konrad Adenauer nomidagi fond. Olingan 28 dekabr 2017.
  8. ^ Schwarz 1995, p. 94.
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  10. ^ a b Epstein 1967, p. 539.
  11. ^ Epstein 1967, pp. 539-540.
  12. ^ Epstein 1967, pp. 540-541.
  13. ^ Schwarz 1995, 128-131-betlar.
  14. ^ Mitchell 2012 yil, p. 20.
  15. ^ Epstein 1967, pp. 541-542.
  16. ^ a b Epstein 1967, p. 542.
  17. ^ Jenkins, Roy Portraits and Miniatures, London: Bloomsbury Reader, 2012 page 88
  18. ^ Jenkins, Roy Portraits and Miniatures, London: Bloomsbury Reader, 2012 pages 81 & 88
  19. ^ Uilyams 2001 yil, p. 201.
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  21. ^ Cited by Peter Koch: Adenauer. Reinbek 1985
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  69. ^ Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung – Wiedergutmachung
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  89. ^ The Emergence of the Welfare State in Britain and Germany, tahrirlangan Volfgang Mommsen
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  92. ^ Schwarz 1997, 241-242-betlar.
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  147. ^ Signature from Adenauer, Schumann, Spaak
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  149. ^ de:Ehrenlegion
  150. ^ a b v d e f Konrad Adenauer Stiftung Arxivlandi 2013 yil 18-may kuni Orqaga qaytish mashinasi: Biographie, Orden und Ehrenzeichen. Arxivlandi 5 July 2013 at the Orqaga qaytish mashinasi
  151. ^ "Parlament savoliga javob" (PDF) (nemis tilida). p. 26. Olingan 2 oktyabr 2012.
  152. ^ "Dr. Adenauer Grand Cross". Katolik Herald. 1957 yil 11-yanvar. Olingan 2 oktyabr 2012.
  153. ^ http://www.ordens.presidencia.pt/?idc=154&list=1&pos=450#list
  154. ^ "Ordem Militar da Torre e Espada – Processos de Estrangeiros: Konrad Adenauer (Chanceler da República Federal da Alemanha)"(portugal tilida), Arquivo Histórico da Presidência da República. Qabul qilingan 29 avgust 2020.

Bibliografiya

Birlamchi manbalar

  • Adenauer, Konrad. Xotiralar, (4 vols. English edition 1966–70)
  • Kreikamp, Hans-Dieter, ed. (2003). Die Ära Adenauer 1949 – 1963 (nemis tilida). Darmstadt: wbg Academic. ISBN 978-3-534-12335-3.

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