WikiDer > Roy Jenkins - Vikipediya

To'g'ri hurmatli Lord Xildxed Jenkins OM Kompyuter
Jenkins 1977 yilda
Evropa komissiyasi prezidenti
Ofisda 1977 yil 6 yanvar - 1981 yil 19 yanvar
Vitse prezident	Vilgelm Xaferkamp
Oldingi	Fransua-Xaver Ortoli
Muvaffaqiyatli	Gaston Torn
Oksford universiteti kansleri
Ofisda 1987 yil 14 mart - 2003 yil 5 yanvar
Vitse-kantsler	Lord Neill Ser Richard Sautvud Ser Piter Shimoliy Ser Kolin Lukas
Oldingi	Stokton grafi
Muvaffaqiyatli	Barns lord Patten
Lordlar palatasidagi liberal-demokratlar etakchisi
Ofisda 1988 yil 16 iyul - 1997 yil 19 dekabr
Rahbar	Paddy Ashdown
Oldingi	Baronessa Sear
Muvaffaqiyatli	Karer bankining lord Rodjeri
Lideri Sotsial-demokratik partiya
Ofisda 1982 yil 7 iyul - 1983 yil 13 iyun
Prezident	Shirli Uilyams
O'rinbosar	Devid Ouen
Oldingi	Ofis yaratildi
Muvaffaqiyatli	Devid Ouen
Uy kotibi
Ofisda 1974 yil 4 mart - 1976 yil 10 sentyabr
Bosh Vazir	Garold Uilson Jeyms Kallagan
Oldingi	Robert Karr
Muvaffaqiyatli	Merlin Ris
Ofisda 1965 yil 23 dekabr - 1967 yil 30 noyabr
Bosh Vazir	Garold Uilson
Oldingi	Frank Soskice
Muvaffaqiyatli	Jeyms Kallagan
Mehnat partiyasi rahbarining o'rinbosari
Ofisda 1970 yil 8 iyul - 1972 yil 10 aprel
Rahbar	Garold Uilson
Oldingi	Jorj Braun
Muvaffaqiyatli	Edvard Qisqa
Bosh vazirning kansleri
Ofisda 1967 yil 30 noyabr - 1970 yil 19 iyun
Bosh Vazir	Garold Uilson
Bosh kotib	Jek Diamond
Oldingi	Jeyms Kallagan
Muvaffaqiyatli	Iain Macleod
Aviatsiya vaziri
Ofisda 1964 yil 18 oktyabr - 1965 yil 23 dekabr
Bosh Vazir	Garold Uilson
Oldingi	Julian Amery
Muvaffaqiyatli	Fred Mulli
Parlament idoralari Lordlar palatasi a'zosi Lord Temporal Hayotiy tengdoshlik 1987 yil 1 dekabr - 2003 yil 5 yanvar Parlament a'zosi uchun Glazgo Xillxed Ofisda 1982 yil 25 mart - 1987 yil 18 may Oldingi Tam Galbrayt Muvaffaqiyatli Jorj Galloway Parlament a'zosi uchun Birmingem Stechford Ofisda 1950 yil 23 fevral - 1977 yil 31 mart Oldingi Saylov okrugi yaratildi Muvaffaqiyatli Endryu Makkey Parlament a'zosi uchun Southwark Central Ofisda 1948 yil 29 aprel - 1950 yil 23 fevral Oldingi Jon Martin Muvaffaqiyatli Saylov okrugi bekor qilindi
Shaxsiy ma'lumotlar
Tug'ilgan	Roy Xarris Jenkins (1920-11-11)1920 yil 11-noyabr Abersichan, Monmutshir, Uels
O'ldi	2003 yil 5-yanvar(2003-01-05) (82 yosh) Ist-Xendred, Oksfordshir, Angliya
Millati	Inglizlar
Siyosiy partiya	Mehnat (1981 yilgacha) SDP (1981–1988) Liberal-demokratlar (1988 yildan)
Turmush o'rtoqlar	Meri Jennifer Morris ​ ​ (m. 1945)​
Bolalar	3
Ota-onalar	Artur Jenkins (ota)
Olma mater	Kardiff universiteti Balliol kolleji, Oksford
Harbiy xizmat
Filial / xizmat	Britaniya armiyasi
Rank	Kapitan
Birlik	Qirollik artilleriyasi
Janglar / urushlar	Ikkinchi jahon urushi

Roy Xarris Jenkins, Xilxildlik Baron Jenkins, OM, Kompyuter (1920 yil 11 noyabr - 2003 yil 5 yanvar) bo'lib xizmat qilgan ingliz siyosatchisi edi Evropa komissiyasi prezidenti 1977 yildan 1981 yilgacha. U turli vaqtlarda a'zosi bo'lgan Mehnat partiyasi, Sotsial-demokratik partiya (SDP) va Liberal-demokratlar.

Uelslik ko'mirchi va kasaba uyushma ishchisining o'g'li, keyinchalik o'zi leyborist parlament a'zosi (MP), Jenkins o'qigan Oksford universiteti va sifatida xizmat qilgan razvedka xodimi Ikkinchi Jahon urushi paytida. 1948 yilda Leyboristlar deputati sifatida parlamentga saylangan, u ikkalasi ham bo'lib xizmat qildi Bosh vazirning kansleri va Uy kotibi ning Leyboristik hukumatlari ostida Uilson va Kallagan. Ichki ishlar vaziri lavozimidagi birinchi davrida u "tsivilizatsiyalashgan jamiyat" deb ta'riflagan narsani barpo etishga intildi, masalan Britaniyada ikkalasini ham samarali ravishda bekor qilish. o'lim jazosi va teatr tsenzurasi, qisman gomoseksualizmni dekriminallashtirish, dam olish ajralish to'g'risidagi qonun, to'xtatib turish birching va erkinlashtirish abort to'g'risidagi qonun.

Kantsler sifatida u qat'iy moliyaviy siyosatni olib bordi. U saylandi Mehnat partiyasi rahbarining o'rinbosari 1970 yilda, lekin 1972 yilda iste'foga chiqdi, chunki u qo'llab-quvvatladi Britaniyaning Evropa hamjamiyatlariga kirishi, partiya qarshi bo'lgan.^[1]

Keyinchalik u 1976 yilda Britaniya siyosatidan ketishni tanladi va keyingi yil Evropa Komissiyasining Prezidenti etib tayinlandi, 1981 yilgacha xizmat qildi. U ushbu ofisning yagona ingliz egasi edi. 1981 yilda Britaniya siyosatiga qaytdi; Leyboristlar partiyasining chap qanot harakatidan norozi Maykl Foot, u "biri edi"To'rt kishilik to'da"- SDPni tashkil etgan markazchi leyboristlar.^[2]

1982 yilda Jenkins g'alaba qozondi qo'shimcha saylov mashhur natijada konservatorlardan joy olib, Parlamentga qaytish. U rasmiy ravishda SDPning etakchisiga aylandi 1983 yilgi umumiy saylov, davomida SDP - Liberal alyans. Biroq, SDP ishidan ko'ngli qolganidan so'ng, u rahbarlikdan iste'foga chiqdi.

1987 yilda u muvaffaqiyatga erishish uchun saylandi Garold Makmillan kabi Oksford universiteti kansleri ikkinchisining o'limidan keyin; u o'n olti yildan keyin vafotigacha bu lavozimni egalladi. Kansler bo'lganidan bir necha oy o'tgach, u mag'lub bo'ldi 1987 yilgi umumiy saylov leyboristlar nomzodi tomonidan. Jenkins qabul qildi hayot tengdoshi birozdan keyin va o'tirdi Lordlar palatasi kabi Liberal-demokrat. 1990-yillarning oxirida u Bosh vazirning maslahatchisi edi Toni Bler va raislik qildi a saylovni isloh qilish bo'yicha komissiya. Jenkins 2003 yilda, 82 yoshida vafot etdi.

Siyosiy martabasidan tashqari u taniqli tarixchi, biograf va yozuvchi edi. Uning Markazdagi hayot (1991) eng zo'rlaridan biri sifatida qaraladi^{[tovusli atama]} "janrning aksariyat namunalari unutilganidan keyin zavq bilan o'qiladi" keyingi yigirmanchi asrning avtobiografiyalari.^[3]

Ilk hayoti (1920-1945)

Tug'ilgan Abersichan, Monmutshir, janubi-sharqda Uels, yolg'iz bola sifatida, Roy Jenkins a o'g'li edi Milliy konchilar ishchilar ittifoqi rasmiy, Artur Jenkins. Uning davrida otasi qamoqqa tashlangan 1926 yilgi umumiy ish tashlash uning tartibsizliklarga aralashganligi uchun.^[4] Artur Jenkins keyinchalik Prezident bo'ldi Janubiy Uels konchilar federatsiyasi va uchun parlament a'zosi Pontipol, Parlamentning xususiy kotibi ga Klement Attleiva qisqacha vazir 1945 yil ishchilar hukumati.^[5] Roy Jenkinsning onasi Xetti Xarris temir ishlab chiqaruvchi usta qizi edi.^[6]

Jenkins Pentwyn boshlang'ich maktabida o'qigan, Abersichan okrugi grammatika maktabi, Universitet kolleji, Kardiffva Balliol kolleji, Oksford, u erda Prezidentlikka ikki marta mag'lub bo'lgan Oksford ittifoqi lekin oldi Birinchi darajali sharaflar yilda Siyosat, falsafa va iqtisod (PPE).^[7] Uning universitetdagi hamkasblari ham Toni Krosland, Denis Xili va Edvard XitVa u uchalasi bilan do'stlashdi, garchi u Healeyga hech qachon yaqin bo'lmagan.

Yilda Jon Kempbell"s tarjimai holi Barkamol hayot Jenkins va Krosland o'rtasidagi romantik munosabatlar batafsil bayon qilindi.^[8][9] U Oksfordda uchrashgan, shuningdek, jamoat hayotida taniqli bo'lgan boshqa raqamlarni o'z ichiga olgan Madron Seligman, Nikolas Xenderson va Mark Bonham Karter.^[10]

Davomida Ikkinchi jahon urushi, Jenkins o'z ofitserining ta'limini oldi Alton minoralari va 55-West Somerset Yeomanry-ga joylashtirildi G'arbiy Lavington, Viltshir.^[11] 1944 yil aprel oyida otasining ta'siri bilan Jenkins jo'natildi Bletchli bog'i sifatida ishlash kodni buzuvchi; u erda u tarixchi bilan do'stlashdi Asa Briggs.^[12][13][10]

Dastlabki siyosiy faoliyati (1945–1965)

G'alaba qozona olmadi Solihull yilda 1945, shundan so'ng u qisqa muddat davomida ishlagan Sanoat va tijorat moliya korporatsiyasi,^[10] u saylangan Jamiyat palatasi yilda 1948 yilgi qo'shimcha saylov uchun parlament a'zosi sifatida Southwark Central, bo'lish "Uyning chaqalog'i"Uning saylov okrugi bekor qilindi chegara o'zgarishlari uchun 1950 yilgi umumiy saylov, u yangi o'rniga turganda Birmingem Stechford saylov okrugi. U mandatni qo'lga kiritdi va 1977 yilgacha saylov okrugi vakili bo'ldi.

1947 yilda u to'plamini tahrir qildi Klement Attleinom ostida nashr etilgan nutqlari Maqsad va siyosat.^[14] Keyinchalik Attlei Jenkinsga 1948 yilda paydo bo'lgan tarjimai holini yozishi uchun shaxsiy hujjatlariga kirish huquqini berdi (Janob Attlei: Vaqtinchalik biografiya).^[15] Sharhlar, umuman olganda, ijobiy bo'ldi Jorj Oruellkirdi Tribuna.^[16]

1950 yilda u katta narsani himoya qildi kapital yig'imi, bekor qilish davlat maktablari o'lchovini joriy etish sanoat demokratiyasi Leyboristlar hukumati uchun asosiy siyosat maqsadlari sifatida milliylashtirilgan tarmoqlarga.^[10] 1951 yilda Tribuna risolasini nashr etdi Boylar uchun adolatli aktsiyalar.^[17][18] Bu erda Jenkins katta shaxsiy daromadlarni soliqqa tortish yo'li bilan ularni bekor qilish tarafdori bo'lib, 20000 funt sterlingdan 30.000 funt sterlinggacha bo'lgan daromadlar uchun 50 foizdan 95000 foizgacha bo'lgan daromadlarni tugatdi.^[17] Shuningdek, u keyingi millatlashtirishni taklif qildi va shunday dedi: "Kelajakdagi millatlashtirishlar rejalashtirishdan ko'ra ko'proq tenglik bilan bog'liq bo'ladi va bu biz monolit davlat korporatsiyasini orqada qoldirib, yanada yaqinroq mulkchilik va boshqaruv shakllarini izlashimiz mumkinligini anglatadi".^[19] Keyinchalik u buni "deyarli" tasvirlab berdi Robespierrean"risola" mening chap tomonga ekskursiyam apogesi "sifatida.^[18]

Jenkins 1952 yilgi to'plamga 'Tenglik' mavzusidagi inshoni qo'shdi Yangi Fabian insholar.^[20] 1953 yilda paydo bo'ldi Taraqqiyotga intilish, qarshi chiqishga mo'ljallangan asar Bevanizm. U talab qilgan narsadan chekinish Boylar uchun adolatli aktsiyalar, Jenkins endi boylikni qayta taqsimlash bir avlod davomida sodir bo'lishini ta'kidladi^[21] va davlat maktabini tugatish maqsadidan voz kechdi.^[10] Ammo, u hali ham milliylashtirishni taklif qildi: "Katta boylik tengsizligini bekor qilishni ham, to'rtdan bir qismi davlat sektorini va xususiy sektorning to'rtdan uch qismini qabul qilishni ham iloji yo'q. aralash iqtisodiyot shubhasiz, bir necha o'n yillar davomida va, ehtimol, doimiy ravishda bo'ladi, ammo uni bundan juda boshqacha nisbatda aralashtirish kerak bo'ladi ".^[22] Shuningdek, u Bevanitlarning neytralist tashqi siyosat platformasiga qarshi chiqdi: "Neytrallik - bu asosan konservativ siyosat, mag'lubiyat siyosati, dunyo tinglashi uchun aytadigan gapimiz yo'qligini dunyoga e'lon qilishdir. ... Neytrallik hech qachon qabul qilinishi mumkin emas u va'z qilish uchun universal imonga ega ekanligiga ishonganlarga ".^[23] Jenkins leyboristlar rahbariyati partiyadagi neytralistlar va pasifistlarni qabul qilishi va mag'lub etishi zarurligini ta'kidladi; partiyadagi bo'linish xavfi bilan "mamlakatdagi butun taraqqiyparvar harakatning buzilishi, ehtimol bir avlod uchun bo'linishi mumkin".^[24]

1951-1956 yillarda u hind gazetasida haftalik rukn yozdi Joriy. Bu erda u teng ish haqi, gomoseksualizmni dekriminallashtirish, odobsizlik qonunlarini liberallashtirish va o'lim jazosini bekor qilish kabi ilg'or islohotlarni ilgari surdi.^[25] Janob Balfurning pudel, Lordlar palatasining 1911 yildagi inqirozi bilan yakunlangan qisqa ma'lumot Parlament to'g'risidagi qonun 1911, 1954 yilda nashr etilgan. Qulay sharhlovchilar kiritilgan A. J. P. Teylor, Garold Nikolson, Leonard Vulf va Binafsha Bonham Karter.^[26] Tomonidan taklif qilinganidan keyin Mark Bonham Karter, Keyin Jenkins Viktoriya radikalining biografiyasini yozdi, ser Charlz Dilke1958 yil oktyabr oyida nashr etilgan.^[27]

1956 yil davomida Suvaysh inqirozi, Jenkins qoraladi Entoni EdenBirmingem Town Hall-dagi Leyboristlar mitingida "shafqatsiz imperialistik sarguzasht".^[28] Uch yil o'tgach, u "Suvaysh birdan beparvo va axloqsiz bo'lgan usullar bilan asossiz va kiruvchi maqsadlarga erishish uchun umuman muvaffaqiyatsiz urinish edi; va natijalari, haqoratli bo'lgan, sharmandali va halokatli edi".^[29]

Jenkins maqtadi Entoni Krosland1956 yilgi ish Sotsializmning kelajagi beri "sotsialistik nazariya bo'yicha eng muhim kitob" sifatida Evan Durbin"s Demokratik sotsializm siyosati (1940).^[30] Jenkinsning ta'kidlashicha, iqtisodiyotning aksariyat qismi milliylashtirilib, sotsialistlar qashshoqlikning qolgan cho'ntaklarini yo'q qilishga va sinfiy to'siqlarni olib tashlashga, shuningdek, libertarist ijtimoiy islohotlarni rivojlantirishga e'tibor qaratishlari kerak.^[31] Jenkins 1959 yilda liberallashtiriladigan qonun loyihasining asosiy homiysi bo'lgan Odobsiz nashrlar to'g'risidagi qonun, gumon qilinayotgan materialni ta'qib qilish uchun asos sifatida "buzuqlik va buzuqlik uchun javobgar" mezonini belgilash va adabiy xizmatni iloji boricha himoya qilish uchun javobgar.^[32]

1959 yil iyulda Pingvin chop etilgan Jenkins ' Mehnat to'g'risidagi ish, kutish uchun vaqt yaqinlashib kelayotgan saylov.^[33] Jenkins Britaniyaning asosiy xavfi "o'tmishda bema'ni hayot kechirish, dunyo bizni odatlanib qolgan stantsiyada saqlashga majburiy ekanligiga ishonish va agar bunday qilmasa, achchiq g'azablanish" bilan bog'liqligini ta'kidladi. U qo'shimcha qildi: "Evropadagi qo'shnilarimiz bizning iqtisodiy va harbiy tengdoshlarimizdir. Biz zamonaviy dunyoning qudratli gigantlari bilan hamqadam bo'lishga urinib, moddiy zahmatni sarf qilgandan ko'ra, ular bilan xushmuomalalik bilan yashaganimiz ma'qul".^[34] Jenkinsning ta'kidlashicha, Attle hukumati "adolatli aktsiyalarni tejashga juda ko'p, erkin iste'molchilar tanlovini rag'batlantirishga esa juda oz" e'tibor qaratgan.^[35] Garchi u hali ham qashshoqlikni yo'q qilish va tenglikni yo'q qilishga ishongan bo'lsa-da, Jenkins endi bu maqsadlarga iqtisodiy o'sish orqali erishish mumkinligini ta'kidladi. Yakuniy bobda ('Buyuk Britaniya tsivilizatsiyalashganmi?') Jenkins zarur bo'lgan ilg'or ijtimoiy islohotlar ro'yxatini tuzdi: o'lim jazosini bekor qilish, gomoseksualizmni dekriminallashtirish, Lord Chemberlenning teatr senzurasi vakolatlarini bekor qilish, litsenziyalash va pul tikish jarayonlarini liberallashtirish. qonunlar, ajralish to'g'risidagi qonunlarni liberallashtirish, abortni legallashtirish, o'z joniga qasd qilishni dekriminallashtirish va ko'proq liberal immigratsiya qonunlari. Jenkins xulosa qildi:

Kelinglar, odamlarning o'z hayotlarida yashashlari, o'z xatolarini qilishlari va qaror qabul qilishlari uchun kattalarcha va boshqalarning huquqlarini buzmaslik sharti bilan qaror qabul qilishlarini xohlaydiganlar tomonida bo'laylik. yashashni xohlash; tajriba va yorqinlik tomonida, yaxshi binolar va yaxshi ovqat, yaxshi musiqa (jazz shu qatorda; shu bilan birga Bax) va yanada yaxshi kitoblar, to'liq hayot va katta erkinlik. Kelgusida bu narsalar eng mukammal iqtisodiy siyosatdan ko'ra muhimroq bo'ladi.^[36]

Leyboristlarning 1959 yildagi mag'lubiyatidan so'ng, Jenkins paydo bo'ldi Panorama va Leyboristlar keyingi millatlashtirishdan voz kechishi, uning kasaba uyushmalari bilan bog'liqligini shubha ostiga qo'yishi va u bilan yaqinroq aloqalarni bekor qilmasligi kerakligi haqida fikr bildirdi Liberal partiya.^[37][38] Noyabr oyida u etkazib berdi Fabian Jamiyati ma'ruza, u Leyboristlarning mag'lubiyatini millatlashtirishning mashhur emasligi bilan izohladi va u buni maqolasida takrorladi Tomoshabin.^[38][39] Uning Tomoshabin maqola shuningdek, Britaniyani dunyodagi kamayib borayotgan o'rnini qabul qilishga, berishga chaqirdi mustamlakachilik erkinligi, davlat xizmatlariga ko'proq mablag 'sarflash va shaxslarning o'zlarining hayotlarida ommaviy xurofotlar va davlat aralashuvi cheklovlarisiz yashash huquqini targ'ib qilish.^[38][40] Keyinchalik Jenkins uni "yaxshi radikal dastur, garchi ... sotsialistik emas" deb atadi.^[41]

1960 yil may oyida Jenkins qo'shildi Demokratik sotsializm uchun kampaniya, Mehnat partiyasining chap qanot hukmronligiga qarshi kurashish uchun mo'ljallangan Gaitskellite bosim guruhi.^[42] 1960 yil iyul oyida Jenkins Buyuk Britaniyaning "Umumiy bozor" ga a'zoligi uchun saylovoldi tashviqotini olib borish uchun o'zining oldingi rolidan iste'foga chiqdi.^[43] 1960 yilda Leyboristlar partiyasining konferentsiyasida Skarboro, Jenkins qayta yozishni qo'llab-quvvatladi IV modda partiya konstitutsiyasi, lekin u booed edi.^[44] Noyabr oyida u yozgan Tomoshabin "agar Leyboristlar partiyasi ommaviy partiya rolidan voz kechishga va tor mazhabiy jamiyatdan boshqa narsaga aylanishga qat'iy qaror qilmasa, uning eng asosiy vazifasi mamlakatning butun chapparast fikrlovchi yarmini namoyish etish va kelajak istiqbollarini taklif qilishdir. kuchning yarmiga teng qismini berish uchun etarlicha marginal yordamni jalb qilish ".^[45]

1960-62 yillarda uning asosiy kampaniyasi Buyuk Britaniyaning "Umumiy bozor" ga a'zoligi bo'lib, u mehnatning etakchi advokatiga aylandi. Qachon Garold Makmillan 1961 yilda Buyuk Britaniyaning "Umumiy bozor" ga qo'shilish to'g'risidagi birinchi arizasini boshlab berdi, Jenkins "Umumiy bozor" ko'p partiyali kampaniyasi raisining o'rinbosari va keyinchalik "Mehnat umumiy bozori" qo'mitasining raisi bo'ldi.^[46] 1961 yil Leyboristlar partiyasining konferentsiyasida Jenkins Britaniyaning kirishi tarafdori.^[47]

1959 yildan beri Jenkins Liberal Bosh vazirning tarjimai holi ustida ishlamoqda, H. H. Asquit. Jenkins uchun Asquith Attle bilan siyosatdagi o'zini eng yaxshi ko'rgan mo''tadil, liberal razvedkaning mujassamlashuvchisi sifatida baholagan. Asquitning nabirasi Mark Bonham Karter orqali Jenkins Asquitning ma'shuqasiga yozgan xatlariga kirish huquqiga ega bo'ldi, Venetsiya Stenli.^[48] Kennet Rose, Maykl Foot, Asa Briggs va Jon Grigg 1964 yil oktyabr oyida nashr etilganida hamma kitobni ijobiy ko'rib chiqdilar.^[49] Biroq, Violet Bonham Karter o'zining otasini himoya qildi The Times Asquithning kitobdagi ozgina tanqidlariga qarshi,^[50] va Robert Rods Jeyms yozgan Tomoshabin "Asquith, albatta, janob Jenkins ishonganidan qattiqroq, kuchliroq va o'tkirroq odam edi. Uning to'liq pasayishi haqidagi jumboq hech qachon chindan ham tahlil qilinmaydi va tushunilmaydi ham ... Biz talab qildik Sazerlend: lekin bizda bor Annigoni".^[51] Jon Kempbellning ta'kidlashicha, "yarim asr davomida u eng yaxshi biografiya sifatida tanilgan va haqli ravishda klassik deb topilgan".^[49]

Healey va Crosland singari u ham yaqin do'st bo'lgan Xyu Gaytskell va ular uchun Gaitskellning o'limi va balandligi Garold Uilson chunki Mehnat partiyasi rahbari muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi. Jenkins uchun Gaitskell uning siyosiy qahramoni bo'lib qoladi.^[52] Keyin 1964 yilgi umumiy saylov Jenkins tayinlandi Aviatsiya vaziri va Maxfiy Kengashda qasamyod qildi. Aviation-da u shov-shuvli bekor qilinishlarni nazorat qilgan BAC TSR-2 va Konkord loyihalar (garchi ikkinchisi keyinchalik Frantsiya hukumatining qattiq qarshiliklaridan so'ng bekor qilingan bo'lsa ham). 1965 yil yanvarda Patrik Gordon Uoker Tashqi ishlar vaziri lavozimidan iste'foga chiqdi va keyingi o'zgarishlarda Uilson Jenkinsga taklif qildi Ta'lim va fan bo'limi; ammo, u aviatsiyada qolishni ma'qul ko'rgan holda buni rad etdi.^[53][54]

Uy kotibi (1965–1967)

1965 yil yozida Jenkins almashtirish uchun taklifni chin dildan qabul qildi Frank Soskice uy kotibi sifatida. Biroq, Uilson, potentsial harakat haqida matbuotning to'satdan bo'lgan shov-shuvidan qo'rqib, Jenkinsning tayinlanishini dekabrgacha qoldirdi. Bir marta Jenkins lavozimiga kirishdi - o'sha paytdan beri eng yosh uy kotibi Cherchill - u darhol operatsiya va tashkilotni isloh qilishga kirishdi Uy idorasi. Asosiy xususiy kotib, Matbuot va reklama bo'limining rahbari va doimiy kotib o'rinbosari almashtirildi. Shuningdek, u o'zining mahkamasini yangitdan tuzatdi, taniqli mahkumlar ro'yxatidagi muzlatgich bilan almashtirildi.^[55]

Keyin 1966 yilgi umumiy saylovLeyboristlar ko'pchilik ovozini qo'lga kiritishganida, Jenkins bir qator politsiya islohotlarini amalga oshirdi, bu esa alohida kuchlar sonini 117 dan 49 gacha kamaytirdi.^[53][56] The Times buni "politsiyachilik davridagi eng katta g'alayon" deb atagan Peel".^[57] Uning tashrifi Chikago sentyabr oyida (ularning politsiya usullarini o'rganish uchun) uni politsiyaga ikki tomonlama radiolarni joriy qilish zarurligiga ishontirdi; Metropoliten politsiyasi 1965 yilda 25 ta radioga ega bo'lgan bo'lsa, Jenkins buni 2500 ga oshirdi va mamlakatning boshqa politsiya kuchlarini shu kabi radio bilan ta'minladi. Jenkins, shuningdek, politsiyani ko'proq avtomobil radiolari bilan ta'minladi, bu politsiyani yanada harakatchan holga keltirdi, ammo ular ko'chalarda patrullik qilish vaqtini qisqartirdi.^[58] Uning Jinoiy adliya to'g'risidagi qonun 1967 yil ov miltig'ini sotib olish bo'yicha qat'iy nazoratni joriy qildi, so'nggi daqiqada alibilarni noqonuniy ravishda e'lon qildi va ko'pchilik hukmlarni kiritdi Angliya va Uelsdagi sudyalar. Qonun shuningdek qamoqxona aholisini litsenziyaga binoan ozod qilish, garov evaziga osonroq ozodlikdan mahrum qilish, shartli qamoq jazosi va muddatidan ilgari shartli ravishda ozod qilish orqali qamoqxonalar sonini kamaytirishga qaratilgan.^[58]

Immigratsiya 1960-yillarning oxirlarida ikkiga bo'linadigan va provokatsion masaladir va 1966 yil 23-mayda Jenkins irqiy munosabatlarga bag'ishlangan ma'ruza qildi, bu uning eng yaxshilaridan biri deb hisoblanadi.^[59] U Hamdo'stlik Immigrantlari Milliy Qo'mitasining London yig'ilishida so'zga chiqib, u Integratsiyani alohida ta'kidladi:

... assimilyatsiyaning tekislash jarayoni sifatida emas, balki o'zaro bag'rikenglik muhitida madaniy xilma-xillik bilan birgalikda teng imkoniyat sifatida.

So'rashdan oldin:

Dunyoda qaerda o'z shon-shuhratini saqlay oladigan universitet yoki o'z qadr-qimmatini saqlab qola oladigan madaniy markaz yoki chizilgan kuchini ushlab turadigan metropol bor, agar u ichkariga o'girilib, faqat o'z ichki va o'z irqiga xizmat qilsa. guruhmi?

Va xulosa qilish:

Alohida yashash, inson, shahar, mamlakat uchun intellektual rag'batlantiruvchi hayotni boshqarishdir.^[59]

1966 yil oxiriga kelib, Jenkins Vazirlar Mahkamasining ko'tarilgan yulduzi edi; The Guardian uni asrning eng yaxshi uy kotibi "va ehtimol Peeldan beri eng yaxshisi" deb atagan Sunday Times uni Uilsonning eng ehtimoliy vorisi va deb atagan Yangi shtat arbobi unga "Mehnatning valiahd shahzodasi" deb nom berdi.^[60]

1967 yil may oyida London mehnat konferentsiyasida so'zlagan nutqida Jenkins o'zining qarashlari "yanada madaniyatli, erkinroq va kam yashirin jamiyat" ekanligini aytdi va u "ijtimoiy, siyosiy va iqtisodiy jihatdan individual tanlov maydonini kengaytirish", deb ta'kidladi. faqat bir nechtasi uchun emas, balki butun jamoat uchun demokratik sotsializm nimani anglatadi ".^[61] U kuchli shaxsiy qo'llab-quvvatladi Devid Stil"s Xususiy a'zolarning qonun loyihasi qonuniylashtirish uchun abort, bu bo'ldi Abort to'g'risidagi qonun 1967 yil, "abort qilish to'g'risidagi amaldagi qonun noaniq va ... qo'pol va arxaik" ekanligini aytib, Commons-ga "qonunni bunga imkoni bo'lganlar doimiy ravishda buzib yurishadi. Shuning uchun bu juda ko'p savol boylar uchun bitta qonun va kambag'allar uchun bitta qonun ".^[62] Vaqt etarli bo'lmaganligi sababli, qonun loyihasi bekor qilinishi mumkin bo'lgan paytda, Jenkins uni qabul qilish uchun etarli parlament vaqtini olishiga yordam berdi va u har bir bo'limda unga ovoz berdi.^[63]

Jenkins ham qo'llab-quvvatladi Leo Absedekriminallashtirish to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi gomoseksualizm, bu bo'ldi Jinsiy huquqbuzarlik to'g'risidagi qonun 1967 yil.^[64] Jenkins Commonsga shunday dedi: "Bu kecha qilayotgan ishimiz bilan biz gomoseksualizmga ishonch bildiramiz yoki tabriklaymiz deb o'ylash xato bo'lar edi. Ushbu nogironlikdan aziyat chekadiganlar katta yolg'izlik, aybdorlik va uyat ... hal qiluvchi savol ... bu kamchiliklarga jinoyat qonunining to'liq qat'iyligini qo'shishimiz kerakmi? palata o'zining katta qarorlari bilan juda aniq javob berdi va men umid qilamanki, Bill endi bu borada tez qadam tashlaydi Nizom kitobi. Bu muhim va madaniyatli o'lchov bo'ladi ".^[65]

Jenkins qamoqxonalarda qamchilashni bekor qildi.^[66] 1967 yil iyul oyida Jenkins Ichki Ishlarni Tanlash Qo'mitasiga oxiriga etkazish uchun qonun loyihasini tavsiya qildi Lord Chemberlenteatrni tsenzura qilish uchun kuch. Bu shunday qabul qilindi Teatrlar to'g'risidagi qonun 1968 yil Jenkinsning o'rniga ichki ishlar vaziri Jeyms Kallagen tayinlandi.^[67] Jenkins, shuningdek, bandlikda irqiy kamsitishni taqiqlovchi qonunchilikni joriy etishini e'lon qildi Irqiy munosabatlar to'g'risidagi qonun 1968 yil Kallagen ostida o'tdi.^[68] 1967 yil oktyabr oyida Jenkins Britaniya pasportiga ega bo'lgan 20 ming keniyalik osiyolikni chetlab o'tishga imkon beradigan qonunchilikni joriy etishni rejalashtirgan (bu to'rt oydan keyin Kallaghan davrida Hamdo'stlik muhojirlari to'g'risidagi qonun 1968 yil, bu Jenkins loyihasiga asoslangan edi).^[68]

Jenkins tez-tez mashhur tarixchi bilan 1960-yillarning oxiridagi eng keng ko'lamli ijtimoiy islohotlar uchun mas'ul sifatida ko'riladi Endryu Marr "Mehnat yillaridagi eng katta o'zgarishlar" ni da'vo qilish Jenkins tufayli sodir bo'ldi.^[69] Ushbu islohotlar, agar Jenkins ularni qo'llab-quvvatlamaganida, aksariyat boshqa Evropa mamlakatlariga qaraganda ilgari amalga oshirilmas edi.^[70] 1969 yil iyul oyida Abingdonda qilgan nutqida Jenkins "ruxsat beruvchi jamiyat"iflos iboraga aylanishiga yo'l qo'yilgan edi:" Yaxshi ibora - bu "madaniyatli jamiyat", bu turli xil shaxslar o'zlarining xulq-atvorlari to'g'risida turli xil qarorlar qabul qilishni xohlashlariga va bu erkinlikni cheklamagan taqdirda. boshqalarga esa, ularga buni tushunish va bag'rikenglik doirasida ruxsat berish kerak ".^[71] Jenkinsning so'zlari darhol matbuotda "Ruxsat beruvchi jamiyat - bu madaniyatli jamiyat" deb e'lon qilindi, keyinchalik u "bu mening ma'nodan ham uzoq emas edi" deb yozgan edi.^[72]

Kabi ba'zi konservatorlar uchun Piter Xitchens, Jenkinsning islohotlari e'tirozli bo'lib qolmoqda. Uning kitobida Britaniyaning bekor qilinishi, Xitxenlar uni "madaniy inqilobchi" deb ayblashadi, u Britaniyada "an'anaviy qadriyatlar" ning pasayishi uchun javobgarlikning katta qismini o'z zimmasiga oladi. 1980 yillar davomida Margaret Tetcher va Norman Tebbit oilalarning buzilishi, hokimiyatga bo'lgan hurmatning pasayishi va ijtimoiy javobgarlikning pasayishi uchun Jenkinsni ayblaydi. Jenkins javoban Tetcher o'zining parlamentdagi ko'pchilik a'zolari bilan hech qachon islohotlarini o'zgartirishga urinmaganligini ta'kidladi.^[73]

Nazorat kantsleri (1967–1970)

1967 yildan 1970 yilgacha Jenkins xizmat qildi Bosh vazirning kansleri, almashtirish Jeyms Kallagan quyidagilarga rioya qilish devalvatsiya 1967 yil noyabr inqirozi. Jenkinsning kansler sifatida asosiy maqsadi iqtisodiy o'sish edi, bu devalvatsiyadan keyin sterlingni barqarorligini yangi qiymatida tiklashga bog'liq edi. Bunga faqat profitsitni ta'minlash orqali erishish mumkin edi to'lov balansi, oldingi besh yil ichida defitsitda bo'lgan. Shuning uchun, Jenkins ta'qib qildi deflyatsiyaresurslarni ichki iste'molga emas, balki eksportga yo'naltirishni ta'minlash maqsadida, shu jumladan davlat xarajatlarining qisqarishi va soliqqa tortilishning ko'payishi.^[74] Jenkins 1968 yil yanvar oyida Jamoalar palatasini "oldinda ikki yillik qattiq slog" borligi to'g'risida ogohlantirgan.^[75]

U 1968 yildagi byudjyet soliqlarini 923 million funt sterlingga oshirishi bilan tezda juda qattiq kansler sifatida obro'ga ega bo'ldi, bu avvalgi byudjetning hozirgi kungacha bo'lganidan ikki baravar ko'p.^[76] Jenkins Vazirlar Mahkamasini, agar uning byudjeti sterlingga bo'lgan ishonchni tiklamasa, uch oy ichida ikkinchi devalvatsiya sodir bo'lishi haqida ogohlantirgan edi.^[77] U retsept bo'yicha ayblovlarni qayta tikladi (1964 yilda Leyboristlar lavozimiga qaytgandan keyin bekor qilingan) va maktabni tugatish yoshini 1971 yil o'rniga 16 yoshgacha 1973 yilga qoldirdi. Uy-joy va yo'l qurilishi rejalari ham keskin qisqartirildi va u shuningdek Britaniyaning chiqib ketishini tezlashtirdi. Suvayshning sharqiy qismida.^[78][79] Jenkins daromad solig'ini oshirishni istisno qildi va shu sababli soliqlarni oshirdi: ichimliklar va sigaretalar (pivodan tashqari), sotib olish solig'i, benzin boji, yo'l solig'i, 50 foizga o'sish Tanlangan bandlik solig'i va shaxsiy daromadlar uchun bir martalik Maxsus to'lov. Shuningdek, u oilalarga beriladigan nafaqalarning ko'payishi uchun bolalar uchun soliqlarni kamaytirish orqali to'lagan.^[80]

Shunga qaramay Edvard Xit "qattiq, sovuq byudjet, hech qanday iliqliksiz" deb da'vo qilgan Jenkinsning birinchi byudjeti keng ma'noda iliq kutib olindi Garold Uilson "bu sifat va nafislikdan ustun nutq sifatida keng e'tirof etildi" va Barbara qal'asi bu "barchaning nafasini tortib olgan".^[53] Richard Krossman "bu haqiqatan ham sotsialistik printsiplarga asoslangan, tarozi ostidagi odamlarga haqiqatan ham yordam berish va boylardan soliqqa tortish orqali to'liq ma'noda adolatli".^[81] 19 mart kuni o'zining byudjetida Jenkins Buyuk Britaniya yillar davomida "ahmoqlar jannatida" yashab kelayotgani va "juda ko'p import qilayotgani, juda kam eksport qilgani va o'zimizga juda ko'p maosh to'layotgani" ni, hayot darajasi Frantsiyadan pastroq ekanligini aytdi. yoki G'arbiy Germaniya.^[82]

Parlamentdagi Leyboristlar partiyasidagi Jenkinsning tarafdorlari "Jenkinsitlar" nomi bilan mashhur bo'lishdi. Ular odatda yoshroq, o'rta sinf va universitetda o'qigan sobiq geytskellitlar edi Bill Rojers, Devid Ouen, Roy Xattersli, Dik Taverne, Jon Makintosh va Devid Markand.^[83] 1968 yil may-iyul oylarida uning tarafdorlari boshchiligida Patrik Gordon Uoker va Kristofer Mayyu, Uilsonni Jenkins bilan Leyboristlar yetakchisi etib tayinlashni rejalashtirgan, ammo Uilsonga qarshi chiqishdan bosh tortgan.^[84] Bir yil o'tgach, uning tarafdorlari yana Jenkinsni Uilsonni partiya etakchiligiga da'vo qilishga undashga urinishdi, lekin u yana rad etdi.^[85] Keyinchalik u o'z xotiralarida 1968 yilgi fitna "men uchun ... 1953 yilning xuddi shu mavsumiga teng" deb yozgan Rab Butler. O'ziga boshqa alternativa bo'lmaganida, bir martalik shafqatsizlikdan mahrum bo'lganidan so'ng, u premerlik borgan sari sog'inib ketgan martaba uchun qaror qildi. Bosh vazirlikni samarali qo'lga kiritgan odamlar - Lloyd Jorj, Makmillan, Tetcher xonim - bunday daqiqalarning siljishiga yo'l qo'ymaydilar ".^[86]

1968 yil aprel oyida Britaniyaning zaxiralari har chorakda taxminan 500 million funtga kamayganligi sababli, Jenkins Vashingtonga 1400 million dollar kredit olish uchun bordi. Xalqaro valyuta fondi.^[87] 1968 yil noyabrdagi navbatdagi sterling inqirozidan keyin Jenkins soliqlarni yana 250 million funt sterlingga oshirishga majbur bo'ldi.^[88] Shundan so'ng valyuta bozorlari asta-sekin o'rnashishni boshladi va uning 1969 yildagi byudjeti iste'molni yanada cheklash uchun soliq solishning 340 million funt sterlingga ko'payishi bilan bir xil ko'rsatkichni ko'rsatdi.^[89][90]

1969 yil may oyiga kelib eksportning o'sishi, umumiy iste'molning qisqarishi va qisman Ichki daromad eksport ko'rsatkichlarida oldingi past bahoni tuzatish. Iyul oyida Jenkins, shuningdek, Buyuk Britaniyaning valyuta zaxiralari hajmi yil boshidan beri qariyb 1 milliard dollarga ko'payganligini e'lon qila oldi. Aynan o'sha paytda u Britaniyaning 1936-7 - 1987-8 yillar oralig'idagi davlat daromadlarining xarajatlardan ortiqcha miqdorini boshqargan.^[53][91] Ushbu muvaffaqiyatlarning bir qismi tufayli 1970 yilgi byudjet yanada saxiyroq bo'lishiga katta umid bor edi. Biroq, Jenkins Britaniyaning tiklanishi barqarorligiga ehtiyotkorlik bilan munosabatda bo'ldi va ko'proq ovozsiz va moliyaviy jihatdan neytral byudjetni taqdim etishga qaror qildi. Ko'pincha bu yomon savdo ko'rsatkichlari bilan birlashganda konservatorlarning g'alabasiga hissa qo'shgan deb ta'kidlashadi 1970 yilgi umumiy saylov. Tarixchilar va iqtisodchilar Jenkinsni 1960-yillarning oxiriga kelib Britaniyaning moliya va joriy hisob pozitsiyalaridagi o'zgarishlarga rahbarlik qilganligi uchun tez-tez maqtashadi. Endryu MarrMasalan, uni 20-asrning "eng muvaffaqiyatli kansleri" dan biri deb ta'riflagan.^[69] Alec Cairncross Jenkinsni "men xizmat qilgan to'rt kantslerning eng qudratlisi" deb hisoblagan.^[92]

Yalpi ichki mahsulotning ulushi sifatida davlat xarajatlari 1964 yildagi 44 foizdan 1970 yilda taxminan 50 foizga ko'tarildi.^[93] Jenkinsning inflyatsiya to'g'risida ogohlantirishlariga qaramay, 1969-70 yillarda ish haqi bo'yicha hisob-kitoblar o'rtacha 13 foizga o'sdi va 1970-yillarning boshidagi yuqori inflyatsiyaga hissa qo'shdi va natijada Jenkinsning to'lov balansi profitsitini olish uchun qilgan harakatlarining aksariyatini bekor qildi.^[94][95]

Soya shkafi (1970–1974)

Leyboristlar kutilmaganda hokimiyatni yo'qotib qo'ygandan keyin 1970 yilda Jenkins tayinlandi G'aznachining soya kansleri tomonidan Garold Uilson. Keyinchalik Jenkins ham edi rahbariyat o'rinbosariga saylangan Leyboristlar partiyasining 1970 yil iyulida bo'lajak Leyboristlar rahbarini mag'lub etgan Maykl Foot va jamoatlarning sobiq rahbari Fred Peart birinchi ovoz berishda.^[96] Bu vaqtda u tabiiy voris sifatida paydo bo'ldi Garold UilsonVa ko'pchilik unga partiyaning etakchiligini meros qilib olishdan va Bosh vazir bo'lish imkoniyatidan faqat bir muncha vaqt oldin paydo bo'ldi.^[3][97]

Biroq, bu butunlay o'zgardi, chunki Jenkins 70-yillarning boshlarida Leyboristlar partiyasida keng tarqalib ketgan Evropaga qarshi tuyg'u oqimini qabul qilmadi. 1971 yil 17-iyulda Leyboristlar partiyasi tomonidan EEC bo'yicha maxsus konferentsiya o'tkazilgandan so'ng, Jenkinsga chiqish taqiqlangan, u kariyerasidagi eng kuchli nutqlardan birini o'tkazdi.^[98] Jenkins Parlament Mehnat partiyasining 19-iyul kuni bo'lib o'tgan yig'ilishida shunday dedi: "Konferentsiyada biz eshitgan yagona alternativa [YeEKga]" bitta mamlakatda sotsializm "bo'lgan. Bu har doim ko'ngilni ko'tarish uchun yaxshi. Qurilish ko'prigini torting va qal'ada inqilob qiling. Bu ham siyosat emas: bu shunchaki shior va u shunchaki ishonchsiz emas, balki ikkiyuzlamachilikka aylanib, xalqaro sotsializmga qo'shgan eng yaxshi hissamiz sifatida kiyinganida ham bo'ladi ".^[99] Bu partiyadagi eski Bevanit-Gaytskellit bo'linishini qayta ochdi; Uilson Toni Bennga Jenkinsning nutqidan bir kun o'tib, Demokratik sotsializm kampaniyasini buzishga qat'iy qaror qilganligini aytdi.^[100]

1971 yilda Braytonda bo'lib o'tgan Leyboristlar konferentsiyasida NECning EECga kirishning "Tory shartlarini" rad etish to'g'risidagi taklifi ko'pchilik ovozi bilan amalga oshirildi. Jenkins frantsuz yig'ilishida aytganidek, bu uning Britaniyaning kirishini doimiy qo'llab-quvvatlashiga ta'sir qilmaydi.^[101] Benning so'zlariga ko'ra, Jenkins "ushbu konferentsiyada hukmronlik qilgan shaxs; bu haqda hech qanday savol yo'q".^[102] 1971 yil 28-oktabrda u 69 ta Leyborist deputatni boshqargan bo'linish lobbi Xit hukumatining Buyuk Britaniyani Evropa Ittifoqiga qabul qilish to'g'risidagi taklifini qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun. Shunday qilib, ular Leyboristlar partiyasining yillik konferentsiyasida uch qatorli qamchi va beshdan bitta ovozga qarshi chiqishdi.^[3] Keyinchalik Jenkins shunday deb yozgan edi: "Men bu asrning hal qiluvchi ovozlaridan biri ekanligiga amin bo'ldim va butun umrimni" betaraf "deya katta bo'linishda nima qildim degan savolga javob berish bilan o'tkazish niyatim yo'q edi. Men buni kontekstida ko'rdim birinchi islohotlar to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi, bekor qilish Misr to'g'risidagi qonunlar, Gladstone's Uy qoidalari Xarajatlar, Lloyd Jorj Byudjet va Parlament to'g'risidagi qonun, Myunxen shartnomasi va 1940 yil may oyida ovoz berildi".^[103]

Jenkinsning harakati Evropa ishiga qonuniylikni berdi, agar bu masala faqat partiyaning siyosiy masalasi sifatida ko'rib chiqilsa, u holda umuman bo'lmaydi. Biroq, endi uni chap tomon "xoin" deb hisoblashardi. Jeyms Margach da yozgan Sunday Times: "Chap tomonning yashirin bo'lmagan maqsadi - Roy Jenkins va uning ittifoqchilarini bo'ysundirish yoki ularni partiyadan haydash".^[104] Biroq, ushbu bosqichda Jenkins siyosiy insayderlik pozitsiyasidan to'liq voz kechmas edi va buni tanladi yana rahbar o'rinbosari uchun turing, uning hamkasbiga tegishli harakat Devid Markand keyinchalik pushaymon bo'lganini da'vo qildi.^[3] Jenkins hukumat bilan boshqa ovoz bermaslikka va'da berdi va u ikkinchi byulletenda Maykl Fudni ozgina mag'lub etdi.^[105]

Partiya qamchiligiga muvofiq, Jenkins qarshi ovoz berdi Evropa jamoalari to'g'risidagi qonun 55 marta.^[106] Biroq, u 1972 yil aprel oyida, partiyaning Buyuk Britaniyaning YeECga a'zoligi bo'yicha referendum o'tkazishni o'z zimmasiga olganidan so'ng, u ham rahbariyat o'rinbosari, ham o'zining soya kabinetidagi lavozimidan iste'foga chiqdi. Bu ba'zi sobiq muxlislarga, shu jumladan Roy Xattersli, Jenkinsdan uzoqlashishni tanlash. Keyinchalik Xettersli Jenkinsning iste'fosini "eski Leyboristlar koalitsiyasi qulab tushgan va yangi markaz partiyasini tuzish muqarrar bo'lgan payt" deb da'vo qildi.^[107] Uilsonga iste'foga chiqish to'g'risidagi arizasida Jenkins, agar referendum o'tkazilsa "oppozitsiya siyosiy qarashlariga qaramay, taklif qilinayotgan harakatga qarshi bo'lganlardan vaqtinchalik koalitsiya tuzishini aytdi. Bu bilan biz yanada kuchli davom etadigan qurolni yaratgan bo'lar edik. bu mamlakatda eski Lordlar palatasining mutlaq vakolatlari cheklanganidan beri biz bilgan narsalarga qaraganda ilg'or qonunchilikka qarshi ".^[108]

Jenkinsning dabdabali hayot tarzi - Uilson bir paytlar uni "sotsialistdan ko'ra ko'proq sotsialist" deb ta'riflagan - Leyboristlar partiyasining katta qismini undan allaqachon chetlashtirgan edi. Uilson uni sotsialit bilan aloqada bo'lganlikda aybladi Ann Fleming - va bu to'g'ri edi.^[109]

1972 yil may oyida u yig'di Buyuk Karl mukofotiEvropa birligini targ'ib qilganligi uchun unga berilgan.^[110] Sentabr oyida ORC jamoatchilik fikri so'rovida Leyboristlar partiyasining "mo''tadil" qanoti va liberallar o'rtasidagi ittifoqni jamoat tomonidan katta qo'llab-quvvatlash borligi aniqlandi; 35 foizi leyborist-liberal ittifoqiga, 27 foizi konservatorlarga va 23,5 foizi "sotsialistik mehnat" ga ovoz berishini aytdi. The Times "o'n ikki million Jenkinsit" borligini da'vo qildi.^[111] 1972 yilning bahor va yoz oylarida Jenkins o'zining etakchilik guvohnomasini belgilash uchun mo'ljallangan bir qator nutqlarini o'tkazdi. Ular sentyabr oyida sarlavha ostida nashr etildi Endi nima muhim, bu yaxshi sotildi.^[112] Kitobning postkriptida Jenkins Leyboristlar mashhur bo'lmagan chap qanot siyosatini targ'ib qiluvchi tor sotsialistik partiya bo'lmasligi kerak, balki "butun mamlakatning chap tomoni o'ylaydigan yarmining umidlari va orzu-umidlarini ifodalashni" maqsad qilib qo'yishi kerakligini aytdi va "keng ko'lamli , xalqaro, radikal, saxovatli partiya, umidsizlikka tushgan va ilhomlanmagan Britaniya jamoatchiligining tasavvurini tezda egallashi mumkin edi ".^[113]

Keyin Dik Tavernening g'alabasi 1973 yil Linkolnga qo'shimcha saylov, u erda turgan "Demokratik mehnat"Leyboristlarning rasmiy nomzodiga qarshi bo'lib, Jenkins Oksford universiteti mehnat klubida nutq so'zlab, yangi markaz partiyasi g'oyasini qoraladi.^[114][115] Jenkins 1973 yil noyabr oyida soya kabinetiga saylangan Shadow uy kotibi.^[116] Davomida 1974 yil fevraldagi saylov, Jenkins Leyboristlarga miting o'tkazdi va uning kampaniyasi tomonidan ta'riflandi Devid Butler va Dennis Kavanag "tsivilizatsiyalashgan idealizm notasi" kabi.^[117] Jenkins o'z saylov okrugidagi liberal nomzod 6000 ovoz to'plaganidan hafsalasi pir bo'ldi; u o'z xotiralarida "Men o'zimni shu qadar Liberal shkaf deb bilardim, chunki ular bemalol ularning hammasi menga kelishlari kerak deb o'ylardim" deb yozgan edi.^[118]

Jenkins paydo bo'lgan bir qator biografik insholar yozdi The Times 1971–74 yillarda va ular sifatida nashr etilgan To'qqiz kuch 1974 yilda Jenkins Gaitskellni tanladi, Ernest Bevin, Stafford Cripps, Adlai Stivenson II, Robert F. Kennedi, Jozef Makkarti, Lord Galifaks, Leon Blum va Jon Maynard Keyns.^[119] 1971 yilda Jenkins tashqi siyosat bo'yicha uchta ma'ruza qildi Yel universiteti, bir yil o'tib nashr etilgan Kunning ikkinchi yarmida Potomakda?^[120]

Uy kotibi (1974–1976)

1974 yil boshida Leyboristlar hokimiyatga qaytgach, Jenkins ikkinchi marta ichki ishlar vaziri etib tayinlandi. Avvalroq, unga xazina va'da qilingan edi; ammo, keyinchalik Uilson tayinlashga qaror qildi Denis Xili o'rniga kansler sifatida. Eshitgandan keyin Bernard Donough Uilson va'dasidan qaytganligi sababli, Jenkins jahl bilan munosabat bildirdi. Despite being on a public staircase, he is reported to have shouted "You tell Garold Uilson he must bloody well come to see me ...and if he doesn't watch out, I won't join his bloody government ... This is typical of the bloody awful way Harold Wilson does things!"^[121][122] The Jenkinsites were dismayed by Jenkins' refusal to insist upon the Chancellorship and began to look elsewhere for leadership, thus ending the Jenkinsites as a united group.^[123]

Jenkins served from 1974 to 1976. Whereas during his first period as Home Secretary in the 1960s the atmosphere had been optimistic and confident, the climate of the 1970s was much more fractious and disillusioned.^[124] After two Northern Irish sisters, Marian narxi va Dolours narxi, were imprisoned for 20 years for the 1973 yil Eski Beylni portlatish, they went on hunger strike in order to be transferred to a prison in Northern Ireland.^[125] In a television broadcast in June 1974, Jenkins announced that he would refuse to give in to their demands, although in March 1975 he discreetly transferred them to a Northern Irish prison.^[125]

He undermined his previous liberal credentials to some extent by pushing through the controversial Terrorizm to'g'risidagi qonunning oldini olish natijasida Birmingemdagi pubdagi portlashlar of November 1974, which, among other things, extended the length of time suspects could be held in custody and instituted exclusion orders.^[126] Jenkins also resisted calls for the death penalty to be restored for terrorist murderers.^[127] On 4 December he told the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland that "everything he heard made him more convinced that Northern Ireland had nothing to do with the rest of the UK".^[128] Ko'rib chiqayotganda Garret FitsJerald's memoirs in 1991, Jenkins proclaimed: "My natural prejudices, such as they are, are much more green than orange. I am a poor unionist, believing intuitively that even Paisli va Xagi are better at dealing with each other than the English are with either".^[129]

The Jinsiy kamsitishlar to'g'risidagi qonun 1975 yil (which legislated for gender equality and set up the Teng imkoniyatlar komissiyasi) va Irqiy munosabatlar to'g'risidagi qonun 1976 yil (which extended to private clubs the outlawing of racial discrimination and founded the Irqiy tenglik bo'yicha komissiya) were two notable achievements during his second time as Home Secretary.^[130]

Jenkins opposed Michael Foot's attempts to grant pickets the right to stop lorries during strikes and he was dismayed by Anthony Crosland's decision to grant an amnesty to the 11 Labour councillors at Clay Cross who had been surcharged for refusing to increase council rents in accordance with the Conservatives' Housing Finance Act 1972.^[131] After two trade unionists, Riki Tomlinson va Des Uorren ("nomi bilan tanilganShrewsbury Two"), were imprisoned for intimidation and affray for their part in a strike, Jenkins refused to accede to demands from the labour movement that they should be released. This demonstrated Jenkins' increasing estrangement from much of the labour movement and for a time he was heckled in public by people chanting "Free the Two".^[132] Jenkins also unsuccessfully tried to persuade the Cabinet to adopt electoral reform in the form of mutanosib vakillik and to have the Rasmiy sirlar to'g'risidagi qonun 1911 yil liberalised to facilitate more ochiq hukumat.^[133]

Although becoming increasingly disillusioned during this time by what he considered the party's drift to the left, he was the leading Labour figure in the EEC referendumi of June 1975 (and was also president of the 'Yes' campaign). In September 1974 he had followed Shirli Uilyams in stating that he "could not stay in a Cabinet which had to carry out withdrawal" from the EEC.^[134] During the referendum campaign, Tony Benn claimed that 500,000 jobs had been lost due to Britain's membership; Jenkins replied on 27 May that "I find it increasingly difficult to take Mr Benn seriously as an economics minister".^[135] He added that Britain outside the EEC would enter "an old people's home for fading nations. ... I do not even think it would be a comfortable or agreeable old people's home. I do not much like the look of some of the prospective wardens".^[136] The two men debated Britain's membership together on Panoramaraislik qilgan Devid Dimblebi.^[137] According to David Butler and Uve Kitsinger, "they achieved a decidedly more lucid and intricate level of discussion than is commonly seen on political television".^[138] Jenkins found it congenial to work with the centrists of all parties in the campaign and the 'Yes' campaign won by two to one.^[139]

After the referendum, Wilson demoted Benn to Energy Secretary and attempted to balance the downgrading of Benn with the dismissal of the right-wing minister Reg Prentice from the Department of Education, despite already promising Jenkins that he had no intention of sacking Prentice. Jenkins threatened to resign if Prentice was sacked, telling Wilson that he was "a squalid little man who was using squalid little arguments in order to explain why he was performing so much below the level of events".^[140] Wilson quickly backed down.^[141] In September Jenkins delivered a speech in Prentice's constituency of Nyuxem to demonstrate solidarity with him after he was threatened with deselection by left-wingers in the constituency party. Jenkins was heckled by both far-left and far-right demonstrators and he was hit in the chest by a flour bomb thrown by a member of the Milliy front.^[142] Jenkins warned that if Prentice was deselected "it is not just the local party that is undermining its own foundations by ignoring the beliefs and feelings of ordinary people, the whole legitimate Labour Party, left as well as right, is crippled if extremists have their way". He added that if "tolerance is shattered formidable consequences will follow. Labour MPs will either have to become creatures of cowardice, concealing their views, trimming their sails, accepting orders, stilling their consciences, or they will all have to be men far far to the left of those whose votes they seek. Either would make a mockery of parliamentary democracy".^[143]

In January 1976 he further distanced himself from the left with a speech in Anglizi, where he repudiated ever-higher public spending: "I do not think you can push public expenditure significantly above 60 per cent [of GNP] and maintain the values of a plural society with adequate freedom of choice. We are here close to one of the frontiers of social democracy".^[144] A former supporter, Roy Hattersley, distanced himself from Jenkins after this speech.^[145][146]

In May 1976 he told the Politsiya federatsiyasi conference to "be prepared first to look at the evidence and to recognize how little the widespread use of prison reduces our crime or deals effectively with many of the individuals concerned".^[147] He also responded to the Federation's proposals on law and order: "I respect your right to put them to me. You will no doubt respect my right to tell you that I do not think all the points in sum amount to a basis for a rational penal policy".^[147]

When Wilson suddenly resigned as Prime Minister in March 1976, Jenkins was one of six candidates for the leadership of the Labour Party but came third in the first ballot, behind Callaghan and Michael Foot. Realising that his vote was lower than expected, and sensing that the parliamentary party was in no mood to overlook his actions five years before, he immediately withdrew from the contest.^[3] On issues such as the EEC, trade union reform and economic policy he had proclaimed views opposite to those held by the majority of Labour Party activists, and his libertarian social views were at variance with the majority of Labour voters.^[148] A famous story alleged that when one of Jenkins' supporters canvassed a group of miners' MPs in the Commons' tea-room, he was told: "Nay, lad, we're all Labour here".^[149]

Jenkins had wanted to become Foreign Secretary,^[150] but Foot warned Callaghan that the party would not accept the pro-European Jenkins as Foreign Secretary. Callaghan instead offered Jenkins the Treasury in six months' time (when it would be possible to move Denis Xili to the Foreign Office). Jenkins turned the offer down.^[151] Jenkins then accepted an appointment as Evropa komissiyasi prezidenti (muvaffaqiyatli) Fransua-Xaver Ortoli) after Callaghan appointed Entoni Krosland to the Foreign Office.^[152]

President of the European Commission (1977–1981)

Jenkins (left) as Evropa komissiyasi prezidenti bilan Gollandiyalik Juliana (right) in 1977

Bilan intervyuda The Times in January 1977, Jenkins said that: "My wish is to build an effective united Europe. ... I want to move towards a more effectively organized Europe politically and economically and as far as I am concerned I want to go faster, not slower".^[153] The main development overseen by the Jenkins komissiyasi was the development of the Evropa Ittifoqining iqtisodiy va valyuta ittifoqi sifatida 1979 yilda boshlangan 1977 yildan boshlab Evropa valyuta tizimi, Yagona valyutaning kashshofi yoki Evro.^[154] His biographer calls Jenkins "the godfather of the euro" and claims that among his successors only Jak Delorlar has made more impact.^[155]

In speech in Florensiya in October 1977, Jenkins argued that monetary union would facilitate "a more efficient and developed rationalisation of industry and commerce than is possible under a Customs Union alone". He added that "a major new international currency" would form "a joint and alternative pillar of the world monetary system" which would lead to greater international stability. Monetary union would also combat inflation by controlling the money supply. Jenkins conceded that this would involve the diminution of national sovereignty but he pointed out that "governments which do not discipline themselves already find themselves accepting very sharp surveillance" from the IMF. Monetary union would also promote employment and diminish regional differences. Jenkins ended the speech by quoting Jan Monnet's statement that politics was "not only the art of the possible, but...the art of making possible tomorrow what may seem impossible today".^[156]

Prezident Jenkins a ishtirok etgan birinchi Prezident edi G8 Jamiyat nomidan sammit.^[157] He received an Honorary Degree (Doctor of Laws) from the Vanna universiteti 1978 yilda.^[158]

In October 1978 Tribuna reported (falsely) that Jenkins and his wife had not paid their Labour Party subscription for several years. After this was repeated in the national press, Jenkins' drafted his wife's letter to The Times that refuted the allegation.^[159][160] Jenkins blamed the story on a "malicious Trot in the North Kensington Labour Party".^[159] Jenkins was disillusioned with the Labour Party and he was almost certain that he could not stand again as a Labour candidate; in January 1979 he told Shirli Uilyams that the "big mistake we had made was not to go and support Dick Taverne in 1973; everything had got worse since then".^[161]

He did not vote in the 1979 yilgi saylov.^[162] After the Conservatives won the election Margaret Tetcher contemplated appointing Jenkins Chancellor of the Exchequer on the strength of his success at cutting public expenditure when he was Chancellor. Biroq, uning do'sti Vudro Vayt claimed that Jenkins "had other and fresh fish to fry".^{[163][164][165]}

The Director-General of the BBC, Yan Tretxovan, invited Jenkins to deliver the Richard Dimblebi ma'ruzasi for 1979, which he did on 22 November.^[166] The title Jenkins gave to his lecture, "Home Thoughts from Abroad", derived from a Robert Brauning she'r. He delivered it in the Qirollik san'at jamiyati and it was broadcast live on television.^[167] Jenkins analysed the decline of the two-party system since 1951 and criticised the excessive partisanship of British politics, which he claimed alienated the bulk of voters, who were more centrist.^[168] He advocated proportional representation and the acceptance of "the broad line of division between the public and private sectors", a middle way between Tetcherizm va Bennism.^[169] Jenkins said that the private sector should be encouraged without too much interference to create as much wealth as possible "but use the wealth so created both to give a return for enterprise and to spread the benefits throughout society in a way that avoids the disfigurements of poverty, gives a full priority to public education and health services, and encourages co-operation and not conflict in industry and throughout society".^[170] He then reiterated his long-standing commitment to libertarianism:

You also make sure that the state knows its place...in relation to the citizen. You are in favour of the right of dissent and the liberty of private conduct. You are against unnecessary centralization and bureaucracy. You want to devolve decision-making wherever you sensibly can. ... You want the nation to be self-confident and outward-looking, rather than insular, xenophobic and suspicious. You want the class system to fade without being replaced either by an aggressive and intolerant proletarianism or by the dominance of the brash and selfish values of a 'get rich quick' society. ... These are some of the objectives which I believe could be assisted by a strengthening of the radical centre.^[171]

Tinglovchi reprinted the text along with assessments by Enox Pauell, Pol Jonson, Jek Jons, J. A. G. Griffith, Bernard Krik, Nil Kinnok va Jo Grimond. They were all critical; Kinnock thought him misguided as Britain had already suffered from centrist rule for thirty years and Grimond complained that Jenkins' clarion call had come 20 years too late.^[172]

Jenkins' last year as President of the Commission was dominated by Margaret Tetcher's fight for a chegirma on Britain's contribution to the EEC budget.^[173] He believed that the quarrel was unnecessary and regretted that it soured Britain's relationship with the Community for years.^[174] In November 1980 Jenkins delivered the Winston Churchill memorial lecture in Luxembourg, where he proposed a solution to the British budgetary question. The proportion of the Community's budget spent on agriculture should be reduced by extending Community spending into new areas where Britain would receive more benefit, such as regional spending. The size of the Community's budget would, in his scheme, be tripled by transferring from the nation states to the Community competence over social and industrial policy.^[175]

Social Democratic Party (1981–1987)

After his Dimbleby Lecture, Jenkins increasingly favoured the formation of a new social democratic party.^[176] He publicly aired these views in a speech to the Parliamentary Press Gallery in June 1980, where he repeated his criticisms of the two-party system and attacked Labour's move to the left. At the previous month's Wembley conference, Labour had adopted a programme which included non-cooperation with the EEC and "a near neutralist and unilateralist" defence policy that would, Jenkins argued, render meaningless Britain's NATO membership.^[177] Labour's proposals for further nationalisation and anti-private enterprise policies, Jenkins claimed, were more extreme than in any other democratic country and it was not "by any stretch of the imagination a social democratic programme".^[177] He added that a new party could reshape politics and lead to the "rapid revival of liberal social democratic Britain".^[177]

The Labour Party conference at Blackpool in September 1980 adopted a unilateralist defence policy, withdrawal from the EEC and further nationalisation, along with Tony Benn's demands for the mandatory reselection of MPs and an electoral college to elect the party leader.^[178] In November Labour MPs saylangan the left-winger Michael Foot over the right-wing Denis Healey^[179] and in January 1981 Labour's Wembley conference decided that the electoral college that would elect the leader would give the trade unions 40 per cent of the vote, with MPs and constituency parties 30 per cent each.^[180] Jenkins then joined Devid Ouen, Bill Rojers va Shirli Uilyams ("nomi bilan tanilganTo'rt kishilik to'da") in issuing the Limehouse deklaratsiyasi. This called for the "realignment of British politics".^[180] Keyin ular Sotsial-demokratik partiya (SDP) on 26 March.^[181]

Jenkins delivered a series of speeches setting out the SDP's alternative to Thatcherism and Bennism and argued that the solution to Britain's economic troubles lay in the revenue from Shimoliy dengiz moyi, which should be invested in public services.^[182] U Parlamentga qayta kirishga harakat qildi Uorringtonga qo'shimcha saylov in July 1981 and campaigned on a six-point programme which he put forward as a Keynesian alternative to Thatcherism and Labour's "siege economy", but Labour retained the seat with a small majority.^[183] Despite it being a defeat, the by-election demonstrated that the SDP was a serious force. Jenkins said after the count that it was the first parliamentary election that he had lost but it was "by far the greatest victory in which I have ever participated".^[184]

At the SDP's first annual conference in October 1981, Jenkins called for "an end to the futile frontier war between public and private sectors" and proposed an "inflation tax" on excessive pay rises that would restrain spiralling wages and prices. After achieving this, an SDP government would be able to embark on economic expansion to reduce unemployment.^[185]

In March 1982 he fought the Glasgow Hillhead by-election, which had previously been a Conservative-held seat. Polls at the beginning of the campaign put Jenkins in third place but after a series of ten well-attended public meetings which Jenkins addressed, the tide began to turn in Jenkins' favour and he was elected with a majority of just over 2000 on a swing of 19 per cent.^[186] Jenkins' first intervention in the House of Commons following his election, on 31 March, was seen as a disappointment.^[187] Konservativ deputat Alan Klark kundaligida shunday deb yozgan edi:

Jenkins, with excessive and almost unbearable gravitas, asked three very heavy statesman-like non-party-political questions of the PM. I suppose he is very formidable, but he was so portentous and long-winded that he started to lose the sympathy of the House about half way through and the barracking resumed. The Lady replied quite brightly and freshly, as if she did not particularly know who he was, or care.^[188]

Whereas earlier in his career Jenkins had excelled in the traditional set-piece debates from the dispatch box, the focus of parliamentary reporting had now moved to the point-scoring of Prime Minister's Questions, which he struggled with. Seated in the traditional place for third parties in the Commons (the second or third row below the gangway), Jenkins was situated near (and shared the same microphone with) Labour's "awkward squad" that included Dennis Skinner va Bob Cryer, who regularly heckled abuse ("Roy, your flies are undone").^[187]

Seven days after Jenkins' by-election victory Argentina invaded the Falklands and the subsequent Folklend urushi transformed British politics, increased substantially the public's support for the Conservatives and ended any chance that Jenkins' election would reinvigorate the SDP's support.^[189] In the SDP leadership election, Jenkins was elected with 56.44 of the vote, with David Owen coming second.^[190] Davomida 1983 yilgi saylov campaign his position as the prime minister-designate for the SDP-Liberal Alliance was questioned by his close colleagues, as his campaign style was now regarded as ineffective; The Liberal rahbar Devid Stil was considered to have a greater rapport with the electorate.^[191] Jenkins held on to his seat in Hillhead, which was the subject of boundary changes. While on the old boundaries the Conservatives had held the seat prior to Jenkins' victory, it was estimated by the BBC va ITN that on the new boundaries Labour would have captured the seat with a majority of just over 2,000 votes in 1979.^[192] Jenkins was challenged Nil Karmayl, the sitting Labour MP for the Glasgow Kelvingrove constituency which had been abolished and a ministerial colleague of Jenkins in the Wilson governments. Jenkins defeated Carmichael by 1,164 votes to retain his seat in the House of Commons.^[193]

After the general election Owen succeeded him unopposed.^[194] Jenkins was disappointed with Owen's move to the right, and his acceptance and backing of some of Thatcher's policies. At heart, Jenkins remained an unrepentant Keynscha.^[195] In his July 1984 Tawney Lecture, Jenkins said that the "whole spirit and outlook" of the SDP "must be profoundly opposed to Thatcherism. It could not go along with the fatalism of the Government's acceptance of massive unemployment".^[196] He also delivered a series of speeches in the Commons attacking the Thatcherite policies of the Chancellor, Nayjel Louson. Jenkins called for more government intervention to support industry and for North Sea oil revenues to be channelled into a major programme of rebuilding Britain's infrastructure and into educating a skilled workforce.^[197] He also attacked the Thatcher government for failing to join the Evropa valyuta kurslari mexanizmi.^[198]

In 1985 he wrote to The Times to advocate the closing down of the political surveillance role of MI5.^[199] Atrofdagi tortishuvlar paytida Piter Rayt"s Spytatcher, in which he alleged that Harold Wilson had been a Soviet spy, Jenkins rubbished the allegation and reiterated his call for the end of MI5's powers of political survelliance.^[200]

In 1986 he won The Spectator's Parliamentarian of the Year award.^[201] He continued to serve as SDP Member of Parliament for Glazgo Xillxed da mag'lubiyatga qadar 1987 yilgi umumiy saylov leyboristlar nomzodi tomonidan Jorj Galloway, after boundary changes in 1983 had changed the character of the constituency.^[202]

In 1986 appeared his biography of Garri S. Truman and the following year his biography of Stenli Bolduin nashr etildi.^[203]

Peerage, achievements, books and death (1987–2003)

Jenkins robed as Oksford universiteti kansleri

From 1987, Jenkins remained in politics as a member of the Lordlar palatasi kabi hayot tengdoshi sarlavha bilan Xilxildlik Baron Jenkins, ning Pontipol okrugida Gwent.^[204] Also in 1987, Jenkins was elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford.^[205] U rahbar edi Liberal-demokratlar in the Lords from 1988 until 1997.

In 1988 he fought and won an amendment to the Ta'limni isloh qilish to'g'risidagi qonun 1988 yil, guaranteeing academic freedom of speech in further and higher education establishments. This affords and protects the right of students and academics to "question and test received wisdom" and has been incorporated into the statutes or articles and instruments of governance of all universities and colleges in Britain.^[206][207]

In 1991 his memoirs, A Life at the Centre, tomonidan nashr etilgan Makmillan, who paid Jenkins an £130,000 advance.^[208] He was magnanimous to most of those colleagues with whom he had clashed in the past, except for David Owen, whom he blamed for destroying the idealism and cohesion of the SDP.^[209] In the last chapter ('Establishment Whig or Persistent Radical?') he reaffirmed his radicalism, placing himself "somewhat to the left of James Callaghan, maybe Denis Healey and certainly of David Owen".^[210] He also proclaimed his political credo:

My broad position remains firmly libertarian, sceptical of official cover-ups and uncompromisingly internationalist, believing sovereignty to be an almost total illusion in the modern world, although both expecting and welcoming the continuance of strong differences in national traditions and behaviour. I distrust the deification of the enterprise culture. I think there are more limitations to the wisdom of the market than were dreamt of in Mrs Thatcher's philosophy. I believe that levels of taxation on the prosperous, having been too high for many years (including my own period at the Treasury), are now too low for the provision of decent public services. And I think the privatisation of near monopolies is about as irrelevant as (and sometimes worse than) were the Labour Party's proposals for further nationalisation in the 1970s and early 1980s.^[210]

A Life at the Centre was generally favourably reviewed: in the Times adabiy qo'shimchasi Jon Grigg said it was a "marvellous account of high politics by a participant writing with honesty, irony and sustained narrative verve". Yilda Tomoshabin Entoni Kvinton remarked that Jenkins was "not afraid to praise himself and earns the right to do so by unfudged self-criticism".^[211] However, there were critical voices: Jon Smit yilda Shotlandiyalik charged that Jenkins never had any loyalty to the Labour Party and was an ambitious careerist intent only on furthering his career.^[211] John Campbell claims that A Life at the Centre is now generally recognised as one of the best political memoirs.^[211] Devid Kannadin ranked it alongside Duff Cooper"s Qariyalar unutishadi, R. A. Butler's Mumkin bo'lgan san'at and Denis Healey's Mening hayotim vaqti as one of the four best political memoirs of the post-war period.^[212]

In 1993, he was appointed to the Faxriy xizmat ordeni.^[213] Also that year, his Portraits and Miniatures nashr etildi. The main body of the book is a set of 6 biographical essays (Rab Butler, Aneurin Bevan, Iain Macleod, Din Acheson, Konrad Adenauer, Sharl de Goll), along with lectures, articles and book reviews.^[214]

Jenkins' grave

A television documentary about Jenkins was made by Maykl Kokerel, sarlavhali Roy Jenkins: A Very Social Democrat, and broadcast on 26 May 1996. Although an admiring portrait overall, Cockerell was frank about Jenkins' affairs and both Jenkins and his wife believed that Cockerell had betrayed their hospitality.^[215]

Jenkins hailed Toni Bler"s saylov as Labour Party leader in July 1994 as "the most exciting Labour choice since the election of Hugh Gaitskell". He argued that Blair should stick "to a constructive line on Europe, in favour of sensible constitutional innovation...and in favour of friendly relations with the Liberal Democrats". He added that he hoped Blair would not move Labour further to the right: "Good work has been done in freeing it from nationalisation and other policies. But the market cannot solve everything and it would be a pity to embrace the stale dogmas of Thatcherism just when their limitations are becoming obvious".^[216]

Jenkins and Blair had been in touch since the latter's time as Shadow Home Secretary, when he admired Jenkins' reforming tenure at the Home Office.^[217] Jenkins told Paddy Ashdown in October 1995: "I think Tony treats me as a sort of father figure in politics. He comes to me a lot for advice, particularly about how to construct a Government".^[218] Jenkins tried to persuade Blair that the division in the centre-left vote between the Labour and Liberal parties had enabled the Conservatives to dominate the 20th century, whereas if the two left-wing parties entered into an electoral pact and adopted proportional representation, they could dominate the 21st century.^[219] Jenkins was an influence on the thinking of Yangi mehnat va ikkalasi ham Piter Mandelson va Rojer Liddl in their 1996 work The Blair Revolution va Filipp Guld uning ichida Tugallanmagan inqilob recognised Jenkins' influence.^[220]

Oldin 1997 yilgi saylov, Blair had promised an enquiry into electoral reform. In December 1997, Jenkins was appointed chair of a Government-appointed Independent Commission on the Voting System, which became known as the "Jenkins komissiyasi", to consider alternative ovoz berish tizimlari Buyuk Britaniya uchun.^[221] The Jenkins Commission reported in favour of a new uniquely British mixed-member proportional system called "Muqobil ovozni to'ldirish" or "limited AMS" in October 1998, although no action was taken on this recommendation.^[222] Blair told Ashdown that Jenkins' recommendations would not pass the Cabinet.^[223]

British membership of the Evropaning yagona valyutasi, Jenkins believed, was the supreme test of Blair's statesmanship.^[224] However, he was disappointed with Blair's timidity in taking on the Eurosceptic tabloid press. He told Blair in October 1997: "You have to choose between leading Europe or having Merdok on your side. You can have one but not both".^[225] Jenkins was also critical of New Labour's authoritarianism, such as the watering down of the Axborot erkinligi to'g'risidagi qonun 2000 yil and their intention to ban fox hunting.^[226] By the end of his life Jenkins believed that Blair had wasted his enormous parliamentary majority and would not be recorded in history as a great Prime Minister; he ranked him between Harold Wilson and Stanley Baldwin.^[227]

Keyin Gordon Braun attacked Oxford University for indulging in "old school tie" prejudices because it rejected a state-educated pupil, Laura Spens, Jenkins told the House of Lords in June 2000 that "Brown's diatribe was born of prejudice out of ignorance. Nearly every fact he adduced was false".^[228] Jenkins voted for the equalisation of the homosexual age of consent and for repealing 28-bo'lim.^[226]

Jenkins wrote 19 books, including a biography of Gladstone (1995), which won the 1995 Whitbread Award for Biography, and a much-acclaimed biography of Uinston Cherchill (2001). His then-designated official biographer, Endryu Adonis, was to have finished the Churchill biography had Jenkins not survived the heart surgery he underwent towards the end of its writing. The popular historian Pol Jonson called it the best one-volume biography on its subject.^[229]

Jenkins underwent yurak jarrohligi in the form of a heart valve replacement on 12 October 2000^[230] and postponed his 80th birthday celebrations whilst recovering, by having a celebratory party on 7 March 2001. He died on 5 January 2003, after suffering a heart attack at his home at Sharqiy Xendred, Oksfordshirda.^[231] His last words, to his wife, were, "Two eggs, please, lightly poached".^[232] At the time of his death Jenkins was starting work on a biography of US President Franklin D. Ruzvelt.^[233]

After his death, Blair paid tribute to "one of the most remarkable people ever to grace British politics", who had "intellect, vision and an integrity that saw him hold firm to his beliefs of moderate social democracy, liberal reform and the cause of Europe throughout his life. He was a friend and support to me".^[234] James Callaghan and Edvard Xit also paid tribute and Toni Benn said that as "a founder of the SDP he was probably the grandfather of New Labour".^[235] However, he was strongly criticised by others including Denis Xili, who condemned the SDP split as a "disaster" for the Labour Party which prolonged their time in opposition and allowed the Tories to have an unbroken run of 18 years in government.^[236]

The Professor of Government at Oxford University, Vernon Bogdanor, provided an assessment in Guardian:

Roy Jenkins was both radical and contemporary; and this made him the most influential exponent of the progressive creed in politics in postwar Britain. Moreover, the political creed for which he stood belongs as much to the future as to the past. For Jenkins was the prime mover in the creation of a form of social democracy which, being internationalist, is peculiarly suited to the age of globalisation and, being liberal, will prove to have more staying power than the statism of Lionel Jospin or the corporatist socialism of Gerxard Shreder. ... Roy Jenkins was the first leading politician to appreciate that a liberalised social democracy must be based on two tenets: what Piter Mandelson called an aspirational society (individuals must be allowed to regulate their personal lives without interference from the state); and that a post-imperial country like Britain could only be influential in the world as part of a wider grouping (the EU).^[237]

His alma mater, Cardiff University, honoured the memory of Roy Jenkins by naming one of its halls of residence Roy Jenkins Hall.

Nikoh va shaxsiy hayot

On 20 January 1945, Jenkins married Mary Jennifer (Jennifer) Morris (18 January 1921 – 2 February 2017)^[238] They were married for almost 58 years until his death, although he had "several affairs",^[239] including one with Jackie Kennedy's sister Li Radzivill.^[240] Among his long-term mistresses were Leslie Bonham Carter and Caroline Gilmour, wives of fellow MPs and close friends Mark Bonham Carter and Yan Gilmur. However, these extra-marital relationships were conditional on his lovers having a good relationship with his wife: he later stated that he "could not imagine loving anyone who was not very fond of Jennifer".^[10]

U a DBE for services to ancient and historical buildings. They had two sons, Charles and Edward, and a daughter, Cynthia.

Early in his life Jenkins had a relationship with Entoni Krosland.^{[241][242][243]} According to the Liberal Democrat Leader Vins Kabel, Jenkins was bisexual.^[244]

Ishlaydi

• Ruzvelt. Pan Makmillan. 2005. ISBN 0-330-43206-0.
• Cherchill: tarjimai hol. Makmillan. 2001 yil. ISBN 0-333-78290-9.
• Kantslerlar. Makmillan. 1998 yil. ISBN 0-333-73057-7.
• Gladstone. Makmillan. 1995 yil. ISBN 0-8129-6641-4.
• Portraits and Miniatures. Bloomsbury. 1993. ISBN 978-1-4482-0321-5.
• A Life at the Centre. Makmillan. 1991 yil. ISBN 0-333-55164-8.
• European Diary 1977-81. Kollinz. 1989 yil.
• Gallery of 20th century Portraits and Oxford Papers. Devid va Charlz. 1989. ISBN 0-7153-9299-9.
• Truman. HarperCollins. 1986. ISBN 0-06-015580-9.
• Bolduin. Kollinz. 1984 yil. ISBN 0-00-217586-X.
• Nine Men of Power. Xemish Xemilton. 1974 yil. ISBN 978-0241891384.
• Asquith. Kollinz. 1964 yil. ISBN 0-00-211021-0., revised edition 1978
• Essays and Speeches. Kollinz. 1967 yil.
• Sir Charles Dilke: A Victorian Tragedy. Kollinz. 1958 yil. ISBN 0-333-62020-8., revised edition 1965
• Mr. Balfour's poodle; peers v. people. Kollinz. 1954 yil. OCLC 436484.

Adabiyotlar

Qo'shimcha o'qish

• Adonis, Endryu; Tomas, Keyt, nashr. (2004). Roy Jenkins: Retrospektiv. Oksford universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 0-19-927487-8.
• Radice, Giles (2002). Do'stlar va raqiblar: Kroslend, Jenkins va Xili. Kichkina, jigarrang. ISBN 0-316-85547-2.
• Kempbell, Jon (1983). Roy Jenkins, tarjimai holi. Vaydenfeld va Nikolson. ISBN 0-297-78271-1.
• Kempbell, Jon (2014). Roy Jenkins, har tomonlama hayot. Jonathan Keyp. ISBN 978-0-224-08750-6.
• Dell, Edmund (1997). Kantslerlar: mablag 'kansleri tarixi, 1945–90 yillar. HarperCollins. 347-72 betlar. uning kansler lavozimini qamrab oladi.
• Jenkins, Roy. Evropa kundaligi, 1977-1981 (A&C Black, 2011).
• Lipsey, Devid; Jenkins, Roy (2002). Jefferys, Kevin (tahrir). Ishchi kuchlari: Erni Bevindan Gordon Braunga qadar. pp.103–18.
• Lyudlov, N. Pirs, tahrir. Roy Jenkins va Evropa komissiyasi raisi, 1976-1980 yillar: Evropaning markazida (Springer, 2016) parcha.
• Nuttall, Jeremi. "Roy Jenkins va radikal moderatsiya siyosati." Tarix 104.362 (2019): 677-709.

Tashqi havolalar

• Bilan bog'liq ommaviy axborot vositalari Roy Jenkins Vikimedia Commons-da
• Bilan bog'liq kotirovkalar Roy Jenkins Vikipediyada
• "Roy Jenkins (Buyuk Britaniyaning Lord Xendxed Jenkins)", Xotirada bo'lgan do'stlar, Qirollik adabiyoti jamiyati
• Hansard 1803–2005: Roy Jenkins tomonidan parlamentdagi hissalar
• Roy Jenkins: Hayotdagi tengdosh - Buyuk Britaniya parlamentining tirik merosi